Once upon a time in England … memories of summer days

Time is an ocean but it ends at the shore.
You may not see me tomorrow.
Bob Dylan, Oh Sister

Last month saw the passing of a friend whom I first met fifty-eight years ago, in September 1968, when we arrived as young postgraduate students at the University of Reading, a red-brick university in the provincial Berkshire town best known, perhaps, for its biscuits and beer. We were a disparate collection of young people from different parts of the country, thrown together by the peculiar circumstances of university life, away from home, finding our feet and making friendships whose longevity none of us could possibly have anticipated.

Bob Dylan’s words have a particular resonance when looking back across the years at those who have travelled alongside us, sometimes for a lifetime, sometimes briefly, and sometimes in and out of our lives in ways we could never have foreseen. Time seems boundless when we are young, an ocean without a visible horizon, but eventually we find ourselves standing at the shore, looking back at the distance travelled and remembering those with whom we shared the journey.

Jean and I also shared a longstanding affection for Dylan, whose songs provided something of the soundtrack to our generation. She had seen him perform at the Royal Albert Hall during his electric period, not long after the celebrated Manchester concert of May 1966, immortalised by the cry of “Judas!” from the audience and Dylan’s furious response: “I don’t believe you. You’re a liar!” I was always a little envious.

In the spring of 1969, she lent me a copy of Nashville Skyline, Dylan’s country-inflected departure from the sound that had made him the voice of a restless generation. I wore out the vinyl and had to buy her a replacement. I didn’t acquire my own copy until the CD appeared in the eighties. A small incident, perhaps, but one of those inconsequential details that somehow survive when so much else disappears.

Our first meeting was beside the red Royal Mail pillar box at the entrance to Childs Hall, one of the gateways to the university campus at Whiteknights Park. I was loitering there with a friend, Guy Weller, a Cornish lad who bore, as I recall, a striking resemblance to Keith Relf of the Yardbirds, when Jean and her roommate Sue Percy passed on their way to the students’ union. I have absolutely no recollection of what we said, although I suspect my contribution was a somewhat clumsy attempt at chatting up a girl. Whatever it was, it worked well enough: Jean and I agreed to go to the cinema.

The film was David Lean’s adaptation of Boris Pasternak’s Doctor Zhivago, an appropriately grand romantic epic for someone then going through what I would describe as my Russian phase. Whatever romantic expectations I might have entertained have long since vanished into the mists of time. What endured was friendship.

By the spring and summer of 1969, we had become part of a close-knit circle of undergraduates friends. Those were formative, carefree months, with examinations behind us and the agreeable prospect of a relatively relaxed final semester. There were books and ambitions, but also adventures, some more memorable than others.

One such was after Easter, 1969. I’d hitchhiked to Yorkshire where I took mescaline for the first time with an old school friend. Returning south through Oxfordshire, in a mellow mood, I remember the weather suddenly clearing and the spring sunshine revealing an English countryside washed clean by rain. Back in Reading, I discovered that our friends had gone to Devon for the weekend to stay with the farming family of a fellow student. Jean and I were invited to join them, so I had barely unpacked before we were back on the road, heading west. I even remember buying a copy of The Beano in Bristol along the way, although much of the weekend itself has become blurred. We stayed in rural village of Cullompton, visited the seaside, drank a generous quantity of local cider and eventually hitched our way back to Reading, via Basingstoke, I recall –  youthful adventures do not always leave behind the most distinguished geographical itineraries.

Cullompton 1969.  Jean and I are on the right

The following years took us in different directions. I became increasingly absorbed in a relationship that took me to London almost every weekend, while my academic ambitions consumed much of my time. After graduation, Jean and many of our Reading friends gravitated towards London, while I headed east and eventually embarked on the Hippie Trail. We lost some of the easy intimacy of those university days, but Jean and I remained in touch.

When I married my first wife, Jean was at our wedding in Maida Vale. She subsequently moved into the top-floor flat in our block in Castelaine Road. Our lives continued to evolve, with their various complications and changes of direction, but we met from time to time and maintained the thread of our friendship.

Libby and I moved to Australia in 1978. Jean and I continued to keep in touch, although geography and changing circumstances made it increasingly difficult. After my first marriage ended, Jean found herself DownUnder and we managed to meet again. I recall driving around Sydney’s North Shore with her, down towards Kirribilli, catching up with two of our old friends from Reading. She had her own difficulties, including overstaying her Australian visa, and eventually left the country voluntarily with government assistance. When I returned to England, we met again several times , but somewhere along the way we lost track of one another. There was no falling-out, simply the familiar business of lives moving in different directions.

Then, around 2008, Jean reappeared in Australia, this time with her partner, David. In September that year, we celebrated forty years of friendship at Adele  and my favourite restaurant in Newtown. Four decades had passed since that red post box, yet the old connection was still there.

Jean and David came to visit us at our property near Bellingen, in the beautiful hinterland of northern New South Wales. Lost on the winding forest road from Bowraville, they had the somewhat unnerving experience of watching a wedge-tailed eagle land directly in front of their vehicle. The following day, I took them up Waterfall Way to Dorrigo National Park, through the ancient Gondwana rainforest, with its cathedral-like canopy, luxuriant vegetation and waterfalls. It was a pleasure to share this very different corner of the world with them, so far removed from the English countryside where our friendship had begun.

That evening, we sat together beside our bonfire. There was no particular ceremony to it. We were simply old friends, reunited in a place none of us could have imagined inhabiting when we first met. The decades had brought their share of disappointments and unexpected turns, but here we were, still able to share a meal, a conversation and the simple pleasure of one another’s company.

The following morning, Jean and David moved on, heading towards Sydney and then, I think, Spain or the Emirates. My recollection is uncertain. What I do know is that we never saw one another again.

Looking back, I have come to think that friendship is not necessarily measured by the frequency of contact, or even by the number of years spent in one another’s company. Some friendships demand constant attention; others survive long absences, sustained by a shared history that does not need to be rehearsed whenever the participants meet again. There is a particular comfort in discovering that someone who knew you when you were young can still recognise the person you have become, even if neither of you is quite the person you remember.

Jean was one of those friends. We went our separate ways, pursued our own ambitions and occasionally lost sight of one another altogether. Yet the connection endured, and when our paths crossed again, we could pick up the thread without too much ceremony.

From that September afternoon in Reading to our evening beside the bonfire at Bellingen, forty years of friendship had passed. Life does not really come full circle, of course. It carries us onwards, through places and relationships we could never have anticipated, leaving us with memories that become more precious as the years accumulate.

Sometimes all that is needed to begin such a journey is a red post box, a slightly awkward conversation and a film about love and revolution.

The rest, as they say, is our history.

One of those days in England
that you just could not forget,
From the mists of secret morning
to the golden red sunset …
So let’s now both be gone, ’tis far to Avalon
And though we go our different ways,
I’ll see you there anon

Roy Harper

Below a photograph of Jean, Sue and me from those carefree Reading days. I remember well that long evening in early summer ‘69 at “the Grotto”, as we called it. The picture at the head of this eulogy is an idealised version in a fantasy ‘sixties setting. It brings back memories of that first summer, and, whimsically, the closing lines of A. A. Milne’s The House at Pooh Corner: “wherever they go, and whatever happens to them on the way, in that enchanted place on the top of the Forest”, my old friends, forever young, will always be playing. Perhaps that is one of the consolations of memory: the people we knew remain, somewhere in that enchanted place, much as they were when we first met them.

Paul Hemphill, Jerusalem, October 2026

In That Howling Infinite published memories of those long gone hitchhiking days in  Song of the Road (1) – my hitchhiking days and McGoohan’s Blues – sunbathing in the rain  

In the summer of ‘69

Sydney 1984 with Reading pals Christian and John

 

Some dope, a small church and a big headache … A Jerusalem story

One morning when we were last in Jerusalem, Sarah Tuttle-Singer, author of the recently published and enthralling Fairy Lights in Godʻs Backyard: A Jerusalem Love Story , took us on something of a magical mystery tour of places that most visitors would probably never find for themselves. It was less a conventional guided walk than an excursion through the city’s hidden histories, eccentricities and unexpected connections.

Our itinerary was wonderfully eclectic. We visited what is reputed to be the oldest tattoo parlour in the Middle East; discovered the best place in Jerusalem to buy – and, importantly, sample – Islay malt whiskies; and called in at a shop run by the son of one of Jerusalem’s most celebrated photographers. We explored a remarkable sixteenth-century palace built by a high-born woman of Central Asian origin and subsequently inherited by Suleiman the Magnificent’s blonde Ukrainian consort. Along the way, Sarah explained the curious story behind Jerusalem’s cats, before we came upon a weathered red Royal Mail postbox, complete with its royal crown and the initials GR – a small but wonderfully tangible relic of the days this land was part of the British Empire. And in the Christian Quarter, between the New Gate and the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, we stood outside the less well-known Orthodox Church of Alexander Nevsky. It was, she stated, with a sly grin, a place that could potentially start World War III – a church that Russian president Vladimir Putin apparently has ambitions to incorporate into the expanding cultural and political universe of Russky Mir, the Russian World.

Sarah gave us the black and white short film version. here it is retold in Russian red, white and blue technicolor.

The Kremlin, Moscow, Christmas morning 7 January 2020

The telephone rings. President (for life) Vladimir Putin stares at it with the expression of a man who has just been informed that the West has invented another human right. He answers grumpily:

Vlad: Da?

Bibi: Hi, Vlad! It’s Bibi. You know, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, calling from Israel. How are you, my friend?

Vlad: Bibi! It is seven in the morning! It is Christmas! Russian Christmas. Even God is not taking calls today. Why are you?

Bibi: Vlad, Vlad, my friend, tovarishch,  I wouldn’t disturb you unless it were important..

Vlad: (… a long, wintry pause) You said this last time. It was Trump. I am beginning to think you people have no respect for the holidays.

Bibi: Vlad, my friend, listen, I’m asking you for one small favour. One small favour! Naama Issachar. Remember her? Lovely girl. Israeli-American. Good family. A little cannabis in her luggage. Nine grams! I mean, what is that? A salad garnish? You’re giving her seven and a half years. For nine grams! What is this, a prison sentence or a lifetime supply?

Vlad: She broke Russian law.

Bibi: Yes, but Vlad, between friends, surely we can be flexible about the law. I mean, you have laws, I have laws, everybody has laws. If we enforced all of them, where would we be? I couldn’t run a government!

Vlad: Nyet!

Bibi: Nyet? Just like that? You don’t even want to hear what I have to say? I’ve come all this way. I’ve had meetings. I’ve had advisers. I’ve had advisers who advise other advisers. Do you know what that costs?

Vlad: Not my problem.

Bibi: No, of course not. Why should it be your problem? You have your own problems. Ukraine, sanctions, the economy. And now you have an opportunity to do something really positive. A gesture! A gesture of goodwill. Think of the public relations. Think of the Russian Jews in Israel. Important people, Vlad. Voters! You understand voters.

Vlad: I understand power.

Bibi: Yes, well, voters are a kind of power. A rather irritating kind, admittedly, but you have to have them.

Vlad: What do you offer?

Bibi: Ah! Now we’re talking. I knew there was a Russian in there somewhere.

Vlad: Do not waste my time, Bibi.

Bibi: The Alexander Courtyard. Here in Jerusalem. The Christian Quarter. A beautiful property. A church, the Alexabder Nevsky church. History, religion, Russian pilgrims. All those babushkas coming here with their headscarves and shopping bags, kissing icons and buying souvenirs. They’ll adore you! And Patriarch Kirill will be absolutely thrilled. You’ll be the man who restored Russia’s place in the Holy City.

Vlad: The property belongs to Russia.

Bibi: Well, it doesn’t exactly belong to Russia yet. That’s the beauty of the arrangement! You see, we have a little legal difficulty. Nothing serious. A technicality. The sort of thing that can be resolved over lunch, assuming nobody brings a lawyer.

Vlad: Alexander Nevsky?  Mmm.

Bibi: Exactly! Alexander Nevsky. A great Russian warrior, a saint, a national hero. You like that sort of thing. Your friend Alexander Dugin likes that sort of thing. A little medieval glory, a little Orthodox mysticism, a little imperial nostalgia. You could hardly have designed it better yourself.

Vlad: I do not require your interpretation of Russian history.

Bibi: No, no, naturally. You have people for that. I’m merely offering the venue.

Vlad: And the church?

Bibi: The church, the courtyard, the whole historical package. Practically turnkey! Well, subject to a few administrative matters. And possibly the courts. But those things can be managed.

Vlad: You will transfer it.

Bibi: Vlad, I’m a politician. I never use the word transfer when I can use the phrase facilitate an administrative outcome.

Vlad: Bibi!

Bibi: Alright! Alright! You’ll get your church. Naama comes home, you get your Alexander Nevsky, the babushkas light their candles, Kirill says a prayer, and everybody goes home happy. It’s a win-win!

Vlad: There is no win-win. There is Russia, and there are those who understand Russia.

Bibi: Of course. Of course. I was speaking metaphorically.

Vlad: See that you keep your word. Russia remembers.

Bibi: Trust me, Vlad. Trust me. I’m a man of my word.

Vlad: That is what concerns me.

Bibi: You know, I really don’t appreciate that sort of remark. I come to you in friendship, I offer you a church, I ask you to release a young woman from prison, and you insult me! Honestly, next time I’ll send a lawyer.

Vlad: Please do. He can serve her sentence.

Bibi: (outraged) Vlad! I’m asking for a little human compassion!

Vlad: And I am offering you a little Russian justice. We are both disappointed.

Bibi: You know, you really should have been a comedian.

Vlad: I am president of Russia.

Bibi: Yes. Well. Nobody’s perfect.

Please note: This is an imagined conversation. But the bargain made is not entirely so.

A little dope, a small Russian church, and a big geopolitical headache

There are places in Jerusalem’s Old City where the stones have seen so much history that one might reasonably expect them to have acquired a certain immunity to political intrigue. The Alexander Courtyard, tucked away in the Christian Quarter, within a stone’s throw of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, is not one of them. Here, amid the competing claims of emperors, patriarchs, governments and rival Christian traditions, a small piece of real estate has become entangled in a distinctly modern tale of diplomatic horse-trading, Russian nationalism and the fate of an Israeli woman arrested with a little cannabis.

It began in 2019, when Naama Issachar, an Israeli-American woman travelling from India to Israel via Moscow, was arrested at Sheremetyevo Airport. A small quantity of cannabis – about nine grams – was found in her luggage. Russia charged her with drug smuggling, and in October 2019 she was sentenced to seven and a half years in prison. The sentence struck many observers as wildly disproportionate, and suspicions quickly arose that the case had become a convenient instrument of Russian leverage.

Benjamin Netanyahu, then serving his previous term as Israeli prime minister, took a personal interest in securing her release. In January 2020, Russian president Vladimir Putin pardoned Issachar and she returned to Israel.

But diplomatic courtesies, as we know, are rarely entirely gratuitous. There was another matter on the table: the Alexander Courtyard, a historically and religiously sensitive compound in Jerusalem which Russia had long sought to have formally registered in its name.

That same month,  Netanyahu signed an order designating the courtyard a holy place under legislation dating from the British Mandate. This opened the way for the land registry commissioner to register the property in the name of the Russian Federation. It was a substantial diplomatic gesture, although the legal machinery proved rather less obliging than the politicians might have hoped.

The courtyard’s history is complicated. The site is associated with the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society, founded in the Russian Empire in the nineteenth century to promote Russian Orthodox pilgrimage and maintain a Russian presence in the Holy Land. The compound contains the Church of St Alexander Nevsky, built over archaeological remains traditionally associated with the vicinity of the ancient city and its gates. Its significance is religious, historical and political, with Russia’s imperial past and modern ambitions woven into the fabric of the place. We have added an addendum to this story below. It provides a brief explainer with respect to Russia’s historical interest in Jerusalem’s Holy Places.

Here, the story takes a distinctly awkward turn. The people actually maintaining the religious life of the site have included Ukrainian Orthodox nuns, associated with the historical Orthodox Palestine Society. The political contest is therefore not simply between Israel and Russia, or between competing Christian claims. It has acquired an added irony since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022: a compound sought by Moscow is, on the ground, associated with Ukrainian religious custodians. The ecclesiastical and institutional arrangements are complicated, and should not be mistaken for a straightforward contest between two national churches, but the symbolism is hard to miss.

In March 2022, the Jerusalem District Court annulled the attempted registration of the property in Russia’s name. The court held, in essence, that the transfer of a designated holy site involved decisions beyond the authority of an administrative land registrar. Given the religious and geopolitical sensitivities, the matter required action at cabinet level. Putin was not amused. He subsequently wrote to Naftali Bennett, Netanyahu’s successor, pressing Israel to complete the transfer. Bennett established a process to examine the issue, but it stalled.

Netanyahu’s return to office brought the dispute back into active consideration. By 2024–26, the government was again examining the question, with Russia insisting that registration in its name ought to be nearing completion while Israeli authorities maintained that the matter remained under review. The precise legal status and timing of any final decision have continued to be contested.

Meanwhile, the courtyard remains where it has always been: in the Christian Quarter, beside some of the most sacred sites in Christendom, some seventy metres from Golgotha, caught between the claims of history, religion, property law and national power.

There is something almost irresistibly Jerusalemite about the whole affair. A few grams of cannabis become a diplomatic crisis; the release of a young woman becomes an opportunity for a property transaction; a medieval Russian saint becomes an instrument of contemporary statecraft; and Ukrainian nuns find themselves at the intersection of an argument involving Netanyahu, Putin, the Russian Orthodox world and the aftershocks of a European war.

Jerusalem has always been a city in which the sacred and the profane share the same narrow streets. Sometimes the distance between them is measured in centuries. Sometimes it is measured in nine grams of cannabis.

And sometimes, if you are Benjamin Netanyahu, it is measured in square metres of disputed real estate.

Historical note: The imagined dialogue is satire, not an actual transcript. It coukd possible have been written by Woody Allen ot Jack Benny. The precise quid pro quo between Issachar’s release and the Alexander Courtyard’s transfer should not be presented as conclusively established. The chronology of the legal proceedings and the status of the property should also be checked against the latest Israeli court and government records..

Addendum: The Russians Are Coming (and have been  for centuries)

Russia’s interest in Jerusalem is no passing fancy, nor is it simply a matter of Putin’s imperial nostalgia. It goes back centuries, gathering momentum in the nineteenth, when the Russian Empire increasingly presented itself as the protector of Orthodox Christians under Ottoman rule. The Crimean War (1853–56), fought partly over competing Russian and Western claims to protect Christian holy places, demonstrated just how combustible the mixture of religion, imperial ambition and control of the Holy Land could become. Jerusalem was never merely a destination for Russian pilgrims; it was also a stage on which great powers performed their rival claims to influence and prestige.

The Russian presence grew substantially in the nineteenth century, particularly after the establishment of the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society in 1882, which organised pilgrimages, supported Orthodox communities and built accommodation and religious institutions for Russian visitors. The grand Russian Compound outside the Old City walls became a small Russian world in its own right, while churches, hospices and courtyards sprang up around the Holy City. The Bolshevik Revolution disrupted the old imperial arrangements, but it did not extinguish the Russian religious attachment to Jerusalem. Soviet atheism was eventually followed by a remarkable revival of Russian Orthodox pilgrimage after the collapse of the USSR.

The imperial legacy is still visible in some rather unexpected places. The Church of St Mary Magdalene in Gethsemane, with its distinctive golden onion domes, was built in the 1880s by Tsar Alexander III in memory of his mother, Empress Maria Alexandrovna. Among those buried there is Grand Duchess Elizabeth Feodorovna, the sister of the last Russian empress, Alexandra Feodorovna. Elizabeth became a nun after her husband, Grand Duke Sergei – a harsh governor of Moscow who expelled Jews from the city, was assassinated in 1905. The Grand Duchess was herself murdered by the Bolsheviks in 1918 along with many Russian nobles. Their execution is described in melancholy detail in British historian Anthony Beevor’s recent history of Rasputin and the end of the Romanovs (see Rasputin and the downfall of the Romanovs). Her remains were eventually brought to Jerusalem and laid to rest in the church. Alexandra herself, the last tsarina, lies with Nicholas II and their children in the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St Petersburg, not Jerusalem. The distinction matters, although it is easy to see how the stories become entangled amid the layered history of the Russian holy places.

And the pilgrims keep coming. During our visits to Jerusalem, we have often encountered Russian groups moving through the Old City, some reverent, some weary, all adding their voices to the extraordinary human murmur of the streets. Just last night, at Versavee restaurant beside our hotel, the New Imperial, the owner told us that only a few days earlier he had catered for six Russian nuns. One small anecdote, perhaps, but it brings the larger history down to street level: the old connections are not merely diplomatic abstractions or relics of tsarist ambition. They are people arriving, praying, eating, sleeping and finding their way through the same narrow lanes we walk.

Which brings us back to the Alexander Courtyard. For Putin, a Russian foothold beside the Church of the Holy Sepulcher carries the weight of history, Orthodox identity and the recovery of imperial prestige. For the Israeli government, it is a sensitive question of sovereignty, property law and international relations. And for the Ukrainian nuns associated with the site’s religious life, it is a place of worship caught in the crosscurrents of a much larger struggle.

Jerusalem has always attracted pilgrims who see heaven in its stones, and rulers who see power. The difficulty, as ever, is that they often want the same piece of ground [See Amazing Grace – there’s magic in the air]

Alexander Who?

There are, in fact, three Alexanders lurking behind his little Jerusalem real-estate drama, and it is worth distinguishing them before the history becomes even more complicated than the politics.

First, Alexander III, Tsar of Russia from 1881 to 1894, was a staunch autocrat and champion of Russian Orthodoxy and imperial power. His reign saw the expansion of Russia’s religious and cultural presence in the Holy Land, encouraged by the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society, founded in 1882. It was in this imperial spirit that the Alexander Courtyard was constructed in 1896, two years after the tsar’s death, and named in his honour. There is an uncomfortable irony here: Alexander III’s Russia presided over the persecution of Jews and a wave of pogroms that drove many to seek refuge abroad, while the modern Israeli state is now considering whether to place this particular piece of Jerusalem under Russian ownership.

The second Alexander is Alexander Nevsky (c.1221–1263), the medieval Russian prince and military hero canonised by the Orthodox Church, whose name is borne by the church within the courtyard. Nevsky has acquired renewed significance under Vladimir Putin, for whom the prince embodies the marriage of Russian national identity, Orthodox Christianity and military power. Sergei Eisenstein’s celebrated 1938 film Alexander Nevsky, with its stirring score by Sergei Prokofiev, dramatised the prince’s victory over the Teutonic Knights as a defence of Russia against Western aggression. Made on the eve of war with Nazi Germany, it was a powerful exercise in patriotic propaganda, subsequently reclaimed as a symbol of Russian greatness and resistance to the West. The church in Jerusalem thus carries more than religious significance: it belongs to a tradition in which Russian Orthodoxy and national power have long reinforced one another.

And finally, there is Alexander Dugin, the contemporary Russian ultranationalist philosopher and advocate of a resurgent Russian empire, whose ideas about Russia’s distinctive civilisational destiny have often been associated with the ideological climate of Putin’s regime, although the precise extent of his influence on the president is disputed. He has, however, been described as “Putin’s Brain”. He features in several essays in In That Howling Infinite, the most recent being Alexander Dugin versus Sydney Sweeney. Dugin is not Nevsky reincarnated, nor is he the architect of every Kremlin ambition, but his vision of a Russia resisting Western liberalism and reclaiming its historic sphere of influence provides a useful contemporary echo of the older imperial and Orthodox traditions.

Three Alexanders, then: a tsar, a saintly warrior and a modern ideologue. Their lives span eight centuries, but their stories converge in a small compound barely seventy metres from Golgotha, where the Russian state seeks to secure a foothold in one of Christianity’s holiest places. For Putin, the courtyard is more than a property dispute; it offers a tangible connection to Russia’s imperial past, Orthodox identity and aspirations to renewed greatness. For Israel, it presents a delicate question of sovereignty, religious sensitivities and diplomatic leverage. And for the rest of us, watching this particular piece of Jerusalem real estate become entangled in the politics of Moscow, Kyiv and Jerusalem, it is a reminder that history rarely stays buried beneath the stones. Sometimes it comes back demanding the deeds.

For more on Russia, Ukraine and the Soviet Union in In That Howling Infinite, see Russky Mir – Russian history’s long shadow

The Holy Martyr Elizaveta Feodorovna.

 

Adrift In the digital undertow

I am friend to the undertow
I take you in, I don’t let go.
Suzanne Vega, 1985

American singer, songwriter Jeff Buckley was best known for his extraordinary, almost otherworldly voice and his acclaimed album Grace (1994). The son of the folk singer Tim Buckley, he developed a distinctive style blending rock, folk, soul and blues with an intensity that had made him into a cult figure among his aficionados.

He  visited Australia twice – in 1995 and 1996. His reputation had preceded him and he had become a “must see” performer for both musicians and admirers of Grace. I had the great fortune to see him in concert at Newtown’s acclaimed if then ramshackle Enmore Theatre in February. Tickets were like hens’ teeth, and my wife and I and friends scored the last few – three in the gallery and one in centre of the very front row. We pulled straws for that front row prize – and I won. Oh, what a night it was. A night of music like no other – and never to come again.

In May 1997, while on tour in Tennessee, he entered the Wolf River in Memphis, singing, it is said, Led Zeppelin’s Whole Lot of Love – and was swept beneath the surface by the wake of a passing boat, disappearing into the current before his body was recovered several days later. His death has since acquired an almost mythic quality, particularly because of the unfinished music and career he had barely began.

Buckley’s death at the age of thirty  was not a slow surrender to some imperceptible current; it was sudden, physical and irreversible. But the image remains: the surface looks deceptively benign, the swimmer believes himself to be in control, and then a force beneath or beyond his immediate perception alters everything.

There are some metaphors that become more powerful the longer you live with them. An undertow is one. You do not necessarily see it. There is no great wave announcing its arrival, no dramatic moment at which you can point to the sea and say, there, that is what is carrying me away. You are standing in the water, apparently where you intended to be, while beneath the surface a current is carrying you steadily away from the shore. You may not notice until you look back and discover that the beach has become strangely distant.

The digital undertow is obviously nothing so dramatic, but its power lies precisely in its lack of drama. It does not drag us suddenly beneath the surface. It carries us, almost imperceptibly, away from where we thought we were.

Forward

I began writing about American investigative journalist Patrick Radden Keefe’s London Falling, a book ostensibly concerned with the mysterious death of a young man in London, and with the city’s subterranean worlds of money, influence, crime and respectability. But somewhere along the way, Keefe’s phrase “digital undertow” caught me. It seemed to describe something much larger: the almost imperceptible current by which smartphones, social media and algorithms carry us away from sustained attention, a shared public world and, perhaps, from one another.

From there the essay wandered into a lengthy (be warned) contemplation of algorithms, attention, polarisation, personalised realities, the loss of a common informational environment and the curious way in which our own preferences can become the walls of an algorithmic box canyon. And eventually it arrived somewhere rather more immediate: the current debate over Australia’s proposed Digital Duty of Care, the distinction between censorship and algorithmic amplification, and the question of who should decide what reaches us through our screens.

The central thought is a simple one: the feed is not the world. It is a selection from the world – a mirror that has learned how to talk back.

We have more information than any generation before us, but perhaps less certainty that we are inhabiting the same informational world. The challenge is not to abandon technology, nor to imagine that the old media world was some lost republic of reason. It is to recover the habits that the algorithmic environment makes increasingly difficult: curiosity, context, sustained attention, intellectual humility and the willingness to encounter something we did not choose to see.

The undertow is not necessarily dragging us anywhere we consciously decided to go. That is rather the point.

Look up occasionally. Look around. Ask what you have not been shown. And, when the feed is moving too quickly, put the phone down and look towards the shore. Because the shore has not moved. We have.

Adrift in a digital world

Down, down, deep down we dove
In a tangle of rigging and rage –
Down to the deep where the dead sailors sleep
In the darkness of Lucifer’s cage.
Paul Hemphill,  Chapter Forty One – In That Howling Infinite 

American investigative journalist and author Patrick Radden Keefe coined the phrase ‘digital undertow’ in his recently published book London Falling: A Mysterious Death in a Gilded City and a Family’s Search for Truth. It describes the subtle but relentless way the internet, smartphones, social media and the constant flow of notifications pull us away from sustained attention, deep reading, conversation and the physical world around us. It is tempting to understand this merely as another complaint about modern distraction: the death of concentration, the inability to read a book without checking the phone, the colonisation of every spare moment by the little glowing rectangle in our hands. But Keefe’s idea is more disturbing than that. The digital undertow does not merely distract us. It carries us somewhere.

London Falling offers an unusually apt place to begin thinking about this. The book is ostensibly an investigation into the mysterious death of nineteen-year-old Zac Brettler, who in 2019 fell from a high balcony of the Riverwalk apartment tower into the Thames, close to the headquarters of MI6. Brettler had been living a secret double life, at one point presenting himself as the son of a Russian oligarch, and had become entangled with a slippery London businessman and a gangster known as “Indian Dave”. When his parents began investigating his death, unwilling to accept the explanation of suicide, they found themselves drawn into a London of money, criminality, influence and compromised institutions, where the boundary between the respectable and the crooked was often surprisingly porous.

But as with his previous books, Say Nothing and Empire of Pain, Keefe’s real subject is larger than the mystery with which he begins. A single death becomes a way into a whole subterranean world. The particular opens onto the systemic. Zac’s story draws us beneath the polished surface of a city and into the networks of money and ambition that sustain it.

London is such a beautiful place that, as Keefe observes, it can be easy while strolling through the city to forget that much of it was built on imperial plunder. It is a capital of pristine façades, often painted in wedding-cake shades of cream and ivory, its dominant aesthetic amounting to a kind of literal whitewash. To acquire something, whether cash or reputation, is to mingle the dirty with the clean. London became, in Keefe’s memorable phrase, a twenty-four-hour laundromat for dirty money, and one consequence of that transformation was a city full of crooks with pretensions to legitimacy and businessmen who seemed a little crooked. When Russia’s oligarchs first arrived in the English capital at the turn of the millennium, they required lawyers and bankers, tax advisers and security consultants, real-estate agents and spin doctors. A generation of smart, eager and morally elastic young British professionals enthusiastically signed on as fixers of every stripe.

There is something almost perfectly Keefe-like about the way the book takes us from a young man’s death into the hidden structures of a city. And then, somewhere along the way, the metaphor turns inward. The undertow is no longer simply beneath London. It is beneath us. That distinction is crucial.

For a writer like Keefe, whose books require years of painstaking research and sustained attention, the digital environment represents more than a personal inconvenience. Investigative journalism depends upon patience, memory, ambiguity and the willingness to follow a thread that may take hundreds of pages before revealing where it leads. It requires the capacity to remain with something.

Yet the digital world is designed around the opposite impulse: immediacy, interruption, novelty and the next thing. It is not simply that we have become less disciplined. We are living inside systems deliberately engineered to capture and monetise attention.

And this is where Keefe’s observation about Zac becomes so revealing. Zac was interested in supercars, rich people and luxury real estate. Social media did not create those interests. It compounded them. The algorithm took existing fascinations and amplified them, reflecting his aspirations and anxieties back at him through his smartphone and magnifying them. Zac might not have been delusional in any clinical sense, Keefe suggests, but he inhabited a world in which social media was beginning to blur the boundary between reality and fantasy.

Increasingly, Keefe writes, any sense of a ‘shared conscious existence’ was giving way to an “individualized, algorithmically bespoke form of virtual reality”, in which our most personal and idiosyncratic anxieties and aspirations are reflected back at us and magnified by our smartphones.

That phrase, ‘shared conscious existence’ is the key to the larger argument.

We have always disagreed about reality. Human beings have never inhabited a world of universal agreement. We have different religions, ideologies, political loyalties, classes, cultures and prejudices, and we have always interpreted the same events differently. But for most of human history, and particularly throughout the era of mass communication, we nevertheless inhabited a broadly shared field of reference. Families, schools, workplaces, churches, newspapers, books, radio and television exposed us to things we had not necessarily chosen to see. We might argue bitterly about what an event meant, but we had at least seen the same event. We might read the same newspaper and despise its editorial line, but we had read the same newspaper.

Your own private Idaho

You’re livin’ in your own Private Idaho
You’re outta control, the rivers that roll
You fell into the water and down to Idaho
Get outta the state
Get outta the state you’re in
You better beware
The B-52s, from Wild Planet (1980)

The algorithmic world introduces something different: the possibility of individually curated realities. The technology does not merely give us information. It increasingly gives each of us a different selection of reality.

Two people can sit beside one another while their phones present them with entirely different worlds. One is immersed in stories of social collapse; another in stories of social progress. One is fed a succession of examples demonstrating the corruption of elites; another receives an endless catalogue of evidence that ordinary people are the real source of political danger. One is shown a world in which immigration is an existential threat; another a world in which opposition to immigration is itself the central threat. One becomes convinced that the media is hopelessly captured; another that anyone who questions the media is a conspiracist. Each is given enough material to make the world presented to them appear self-evident.

And this is where the undertow begins to have consequences beyond attention.

The algorithm does not necessarily persuade us. It surrounds us. And that is a more subtle form of influence. Propaganda tells you what to believe. The algorithm can determine what you repeatedly encounter, what appears salient, what becomes familiar and what disappears from view. It learns from every pause, every click, every momentary curiosity and every emotional reaction. It then gives us more of what it has learned will keep us looking.

Keefe illustrates the mechanism beautifully with his own Instagram experience. While researching London Falling, he began encountering accounts devoted to London real estate, attractive brokers giving tours of penthouses and sumptuous estates. He did not follow these accounts. But he paused over them, and Instagram inferred that he was interested. So it supplied more.

Then, at some point, he must have paused a little too long over a video of somebody falling.

And suddenly the London of penthouses was replaced by a London –  or rather a digital world – of cliffs, rooftops and voids. There were people high-diving from cliffs, BASE-jumping from skyscrapers, leaping into quarries, parkour daredevils vaulting across rooftops, bungee jumpers vanishing into gorges and skydivers stepping out of aircraft. Before long, Keefe could scarcely open Instagram without encountering somebody plummeting towards the earth.

Nothing conscious had changed. He had not decided that he was fascinated by people falling. He had simply lingered for a moment, and the machine noticed.

That is the undertow.

It is also why the metaphor is better than the language of addiction. Addiction locates the problem largely inside the individual. The undertow locates it in the environment. The technology is continuously testing us, learning us and adjusting the current. Every moment of attention becomes feedback. Every curiosity can become a pathway.

And the more the system learns what catches us, the more efficiently it can construct a world around us.

Box canyon

Down in that old box canyon
Where only misfits can go
He rides with no companion
Neil Young, The Misfits (1985)

This is where the algorithmic box canyon becomes such a useful image. We enter because something interests us. The walls rise almost imperceptibly. Each turn is determined by the previous one. Because the next piece of content resembles the last, the environment begins to feel coherent, even natural. Eventually the canyon becomes so narrow that alternative directions are difficult to perceive. Nothing has explicitly forbidden us from looking elsewhere. We simply stop being shown elsewhere.

The extraordinary thing is that the walls are built from our own preferences.

It is why the digital world can be so persuasive without being obviously coercive. It feels personal because it is personal. It feels relevant because it has learned what we find relevant. It feels like reality because most of what it shows us is real. The distortion lies not necessarily in the individual item but in the selection, repetition, emphasis and omission.

And here the absence of nuance becomes particularly important.

Algorithms reward engagement, and engagement is disproportionately generated by emotion. Anger is engaging. Fear is engaging. Humiliation is engaging. Envy is engaging. Outrage is exceptionally engaging. Complexity, qualification and uncertainty are not. “On the one hand, on the other hand” is rarely the stuff of viral content. Neither is “it depends”, “the historical context is complicated” or “both sides have a point, but in different respects”.

The algorithm therefore has a structural preference for the binary.

Good and evil. Victim and oppressor. Hero and villain. Elites and ordinary people. Left and right. Establishment and outsider. With us or against us. The categories vary according to the political tribe, but the structure remains remarkably consistent. The world is divided into two camps, and everything that happens is interpreted as evidence for the virtue of one and the depravity of the other.

The problem is not that these categories are always meaningless. There are genuine moral distinctions in the world. There are perpetrators and victims. There are acts that are plainly wrong. There are moments when moral clarity is necessary. But human affairs rarely remain inside two boxes for very long. History is full of mixed motives, unintended consequences, competing truths, compromises, hypocrisies and people who are simultaneously right about one thing and wrong about another.

The digital environment is not particularly interested in any of that.

Nuance slows the rhythm. Context gets in the way. Qualification weakens the punchline. A complicated truth is a poor competitor against a simple outrage.

And so we increasingly encounter a peculiar form of moral simplification in which disagreement itself becomes evidence of wickedness. If somebody does not accept your premise, they must belong to the opposing camp; if they belong to the opposing camp, their motives can be presumed; and once their motives have been presumed, there is little reason to listen to what they actually say. The argument becomes secondary to the classification of the person making it.

This is how a political disagreement becomes a tribal identity. It is also how the algorithmic box canyon becomes a moral one.

Once inside, the inhabitants of the other canyon are not merely people who have taken a different route through the landscape. They become inhabitants of another moral universe. We stop asking why they think what they think and start asking what sort of person could possibly think it. The result is a feedback loop in which contempt becomes evidence, evidence becomes ammunition and ammunition becomes identity.

This is one of the things that has increasingly struck me in thinking about what I call “Algorithm and Blues”. It is, first of all, a deliberate pun on rhythm and blues. It is the rhythm that matters: the beat of the feed, the pulse of notification and response, the repetitive sequence of scroll, stimulus, reaction and reward. But the phrase also carries, inevitably, something of the melancholy of living inside that rhythm. We have created a machine capable of connecting almost everyone with almost everything, and one of its consequences may be that we are progressively losing the experience of a world held in common.

The algorithm does not need to make us believe the same thing. It can make us believe increasingly different things with increasing intensity.

That is the paradox.

We have never had access to more information, yet we may be losing the capacity to inhabit a common conversation about what matters. We have never been more connected, yet we can increasingly choose not to encounter anything that seriously challenges the world we have constructed for ourselves. We have never possessed so much information, yet we increasingly struggle to distinguish information from significance.

And perhaps this is why the old idea of a shared public sphere now feels so fragile. It was never as harmonious or rational as nostalgia sometimes suggests. Newspapers had their prejudices and gatekeepers; television had its biases; governments manipulated information; communities could be intolerant and suffocating. But there was at least a commonness to the experience. We could disagree about the same newspaper because we had read the same newspaper. We could argue about the news because we had broadly encountered the same news.

The personalised feed changes the arrangement. It allows each of us to assemble a private front page, updated continuously and calibrated to our own psychological appetites.

The consequence is not necessarily ignorance. It is asymmetry.

You know things I do not know, and I know things you do not know, not merely because we have different interests but because the systems through which we encounter information are actively differentiating our experience. And because each of us is receiving material that appears to confirm the reality we already inhabit, disagreement can become almost impossible to resolve.

We can each possess an apparently inexhaustible archive proving that our reality is the real reality.

This is the more dangerous form of polarisation. It is not simply that people have strong opinions. It is that the opposing position increasingly becomes unintelligible. The other side is not merely mistaken; it is corrupt, stupid, evil or deranged. Once that happens, compromise looks like betrayal and qualification looks like weakness. There is no longer much incentive to understand the other argument because the algorithm has already taught us what sort of person makes it.

The old public sphere imposed a certain accidental discipline upon us. We could not entirely choose what entered our field of vision. A newspaper contained stories we did not care about. The evening news showed events we would not have selected. A conversation with a neighbour might wander into territory we had not anticipated. A book might challenge us simply because we had happened to buy it. Boredom itself had a function. It left room for the unexpected.

The personalised feed removes much of that friction. It is exquisitely attentive to what we already like. And what we already like is not necessarily what we need to know.

This is perhaps why Keefe’s phrase “shared conscious existence” is so evocative. The threat is not simply to reading, concentration or productivity. It is to the possibility of a society in which people can disagree while remaining conscious of inhabiting the same world.

Democracy does not require agreement. It requires a common enough reality within which disagreement can occur.

We can argue about what an event means because we have seen the event. We can argue about history because, however differently we interpret it, we recognise the same historical episodes. We can argue about politics because we have some common sense of what our fellow citizens are talking about.

The algorithmic world makes that increasingly uncertain.

And perhaps this explains the peculiar feverishness of contemporary public life. We are not simply arguing more. We are encountering one another through increasingly incompatible informational realities. Each side arrives armed with an apparently endless supply of evidence, much of it genuine, much of it misleading, some of it fabricated, and almost all of it selected by systems optimised for emotional engagement. The result is not merely polarisation but a kind of epistemic isolation.

We are becoming strangers to one another’s worlds. That is more dangerous than being strangers to one another’s opinions.

There is an additional irony in Keefe’s anecdote. He is a professional investigator, someone whose entire craft depends upon resisting premature conclusions. He follows evidence. He accumulates detail. He tolerates uncertainty. He knows that the first explanation is not necessarily the correct one. Yet even he finds himself being nudged from luxury real estate into an endless stream of falling bodies because he paused briefly over a video.

The point is not that Keefe is gullible. The point is that the system operates beneath the level of conscious intention. It does not have to persuade us. It only has to learn what holds us. Which is why the digital undertow is less like traditional propaganda than like climate. We breathe it without noticing.

Falling

And then there is the peculiar coincidence at the heart of London Falling: Keefe is writing about a young man who falls while discovering that his own digital world is being shaped by an algorithm, and his research leads him into an apparently endless stream of images of people falling.

The title becomes almost brutally literal. In Keefe’s world, gravity is not merely a metaphor for decline or loss of control; it becomes an actual agent in human stories. People fall from windows, balconies, platforms and bridges. They are pulled beneath trains. The city itself becomes a landscape of edges, places where the boundary between safety and catastrophe is frighteningly thin.

The physical metaphor and the digital one begin to converge.

London is a vertical city. Its towers, balconies, bridges and skyscrapers are expressions of ambition. We build upwards because height represents achievement, wealth and power. The penthouse is the ultimate image of having risen above the ordinary street. Yet every elevation creates the possibility of a fall. The very structures that proclaim human mastery also provide new ways of being undone.

Perhaps that is why human beings have always been fascinated by falling. Icarus falls. Lucifer falls. Humpty Dumpty falls. The person who steps over the edge discovers gravity. We can temporarily defy it through architecture, technology and ambition, but ultimately we remain creatures of gravity.

Old age brings the most literal and perhaps most frightening version of the metaphor. The fear of falling is not merely the fear of injury; it is the fear that one’s relationship with the world has changed. A fall can become a hinge point, the moment when independence begins to slip away, when a person who has spent a lifetime standing upright must confront fragility. Gravity, which has always been there, suddenly becomes an adversary.

There is an interesting connection here with Keefe’s digital undertow. The physical fall and the digital fall are opposites in one sense: one is sudden, the other gradual. The elderly person knows when they have fallen; the social media user may not. Yet both involve losing balance, losing orientation, being carried somewhere one did not intend to go.

Perhaps that is why the metaphor has such enduring power. To be human is to live between ascent and descent. We climb hills, towers, ambitions, dreams and heavens; we also fall from grace, fall in love, fall into despair, fall through the cracks, and eventually fall silent. Gravity is not just a physical law; it is a reminder of our limits.

The undertow is gravity’s aquatic cousin.

Avalanche

There is something almost eerily appropriate, then, in Leonard Cohen’s line: ‘I stepped into an avalanche, it covered up my soul’. The avalanche is another image of accumulation, of countless small particles becoming a force that overwhelms the individual. One snowflake is insignificant; enough of them become catastrophe. One notification is nothing. One video is nothing. One momentary curiosity is nothing. One little piece of outrage is nothing. But accumulate them over hours, days, years and billions of human interactions, and they become an environment.

The algorithmic avalanche is not necessarily composed of falsehoods. That is what makes it so difficult to resist. Most of the individual things we encounter may be perfectly real. The problem is what happens when reality is selectively assembled around our existing interests and anxieties. The feed can make one part of the world appear to be the whole world.

The algorithm does not necessarily have to lie. It only has to select.

A person who spends enough time looking at political corruption will be shown more political corruption. Someone fascinated by immigration will encounter an endless supply of immigration stories. Someone consumed by crime will discover that the world appears to be full of crime. Someone obsessed with political extremism will be presented with an apparently endless supply of evidence that extremists are everywhere. None of this requires fabrication. It requires only selection, repetition and reinforcement.

The world outside the feed becomes increasingly difficult to imagine.

This is why the problem of algorithmic polarisation is not solved simply by telling people to check their facts. Facts matter enormously, but the deeper issue is the architecture of attention. Two people can have access to the same facts and yet inhabit radically different informational landscapes because the facts they encounter, the order in which they encounter them and the emotional context in which they encounter them are different.

The algorithmic world is therefore not simply a marketplace of ideas. It is a system for manufacturing salience. What becomes salient begins to feel important; what feels important demands attention; what receives attention generates more data; and the cycle continues, each turn carrying us a little farther from the shore. And then, we are the swimmer who has finally looked back towards the beach.

Because there is something genuinely sad about what may be disappearing. Not some mythical golden age in which people all agreed with one another, because such an age never existed, but the possibility of a broadly shared public world. The old world was noisy, partisan, prejudiced and often deeply unfair. Its newspapers had biases and its institutions had gatekeepers. But it gave us common objects of argument. We could disagree about the same things. Now we increasingly disagree about which things exist.

And perhaps that is why the story of Zac Brettler provides such an effective frame for Keefe’s argument. His tragedy cannot be explained by social media alone. Human beings are not algorithms, and lives are not reducible to feeds. Zac had his own vulnerabilities, ambitions, fantasies, relationships and choices. There were people around him who exploited those vulnerabilities, and there were institutions that may have failed to understand what was happening. The mystery of his death remains a human mystery.

But surrounding all of this was a new environment, one capable of taking pre-existing desires and amplifying them until the distinction between aspiration and reality began to blur.

The algorithm did not invent Zac’s world. It helped make the walls around it higher.

And perhaps this is the broader lesson of London Falling. The city Keefe describes is itself an elaborate exercise in the manufacture of appearances. London takes dirty money and gives it clean façades. It takes questionable fortunes and surrounds them with lawyers, bankers, property and prestige. It turns the crooked into something that can look respectable from the street.

The digital world does something strangely analogous. It takes fragments of our interests, anxieties and prejudices and surrounds them with an endless supply of confirming material. It gives our private obsessions the appearance of public reality.

In both cases, the surface can be beautiful. In both cases, the machinery is largely hidden. And in both cases, what lies beneath can be very different from what appears above.

That is the undertow. Not he sudden moment when we lose control. But the gradual movement before that moment, the accumulation of tiny choices and tiny nudges that eventually leaves us somewhere we did not consciously decide to go.

The danger is not that we will all become mad, or addicted, or incapable of thinking. It is that perfectly rational people can become increasingly enclosed within different versions of reality, each one internally coherent because it has been continuously reinforced.

The antidote is therefore not to abandon technology. Nor is it to pretend that the old media world was some lost republic of reason. It is to recover, consciously, the habits that the algorithmic environment makes increasingly difficult: sustained attention, curiosity about things we did not choose, tolerance of ambiguity, willingness to encounter inconvenient evidence, historical context, intellectual humility and, above all, the ability to distinguish certainty from truth.

We need to remember that the feed is not the world. It is a selection from the world, a mirror that has learned how to talk back.

And because it learns from us, it can become a very flattering mirror. It shows us what interests us, confirms what concerns us and reinforces what we suspect. It gives us the intoxicating sensation that reality has finally caught up with what we already knew.

But reality is rarely so obliging.

The world is messy. People are contradictory. History is full of unintended consequences. Political movements contain both nobility and folly. Victims can become perpetrators; perpetrators can possess motives that do not excuse their actions; institutions can be both necessary and flawed; a person can be right about one thing and disastrously wrong about another. Two things can be true at the same time.

That is the sort of sentence the algorithm has little use for. But it may be precisely the sort of sentence civilisation needs. Because nuance is not indecision. Complexity is not moral relativism. Context is not excuse. To resist the binary is not to refuse judgement. It is to insist that judgement should follow understanding rather than replace it.

The digital undertow pulls in the opposite direction. It favours immediacy over patience, reaction over reflection, certainty over curiosity and identity over inquiry. It is very good at what it does because it has been designed to be very good at what it does.

Which is why the first act of resistance may be surprisingly modest: look up occasionally, look around, notice where you are and ask what you have not been shown. Read something that does not agree with you. Stay with an argument after the moment when you first want to dismiss it. Remember that the person whose reality seems incomprehensible may simply have been swimming in a different current.

And occasionally, when the feed is moving too quickly, put the bloody phone down and look towards the shore. Because the shore has not moved. We have.

And perhaps that is the real warning contained in Keefe’s “digital undertow”. It is not that technology will suddenly seize control of us. It is that it can carry us away so gradually, so comfortably and so intimately that we continue to believe we are choosing the direction, until one day we look back and discover how far we have drifted.

Friends to the undertow : the megaphone and the market

Returning to American folksinger Suzanne Bega’s song at the head of this essay, who  are they, these friends to the undertow?

A study published in scientific journal Nature found that social media platform X’s algorithm “promotes conservative content and demotes posts by traditional media”. It would appear that here  in Australia – and elsewhere – the algorithm is particularly generous to the conservative and populist tight who trade in disappointment and discontent and actively encourage outrage.

The language surrounding our Labor government’s proposed Digital Duty of Care laws so revealing. When the first draft was released on 8 September, prime minister Anthony Albanese was at pains to insist that the proposal was not about censorship but about control: adult users would be able to choose between an algorithm-driven feed and a feed showing only the accounts they had actually chosen to follow. “Let’s be very clear about what this is about,” he said. “It’s not about censorship. It’s about giving people control themselves over what they see.” The distinction is important. Censorship prevents a person from speaking. This proposal, at least as presently conceived, does not prevent anyone from publishing anything. It asks a rather different question: who should decide what arrives in front of us?

The distinction becomes clearer when the political objections are examined. Conservatives have understandably pointed to research published in Nature finding that X’s algorithm promoted conservative content while demoting posts from traditional media. If the proposed changes mean that such algorithmic amplification is reduced, then conservative politicians may indeed receive less attention and engagement than they presently do. But there is a curious sleight of hand in describing this as censorship. Their accounts would still exist. Their followers could still read them. Their opinions could still be published, shared and argued over. What would potentially disappear is not their voice but the megaphone.

“Don’t take away my megaphone!” is therefore a more honest description of the complaint. And perhaps that is precisely what needs to be disentangled from the increasingly elastic invocation of censorship. Freedom of speech is a right to speak; it is not a right to have a private corporation’s recommendation engine deliver one’s speech, unsolicited and repeatedly, to millions of people. Nobody has an inherent democratic entitlement to algorithmic amplification.

This is especially important because the algorithmic feed is not a neutral window onto public discourse. There is no pristine, natural stream of information waiting to be displayed to us. The platform selects, ranks, repeats and amplifies. It learns what holds our attention and feeds us more of it. The resulting stream is therefore not merely a reflection of our preferences. It can progressively manufacture them. The algorithm is, in effect, an invisible editor—one whose principal criterion is not truth, balance or civic value but engagement.

The irony is that those objecting to government interference in this process are often defending an existing system that already interferes with the flow of information on a vast scale. If an algorithm systematically favoured progressive material, conservatives would rightly complain. If it systematically favoured conservative material, progressives would rightly complain. The answer, however, cannot sensibly be to construct an algorithm that favours our own side. It is to give the individual greater control over whether the machine curates his or her informational environment at all.

That is where the issue intersects with the deeper argument of the Digital Undertow. We have become accustomed to thinking of social media as a vast public square, but it is not really a square. It is a system of currents. We enter believing that we are browsing the world; in reality, the world we encounter has been filtered, ranked and accelerated by an unseen mechanism designed to keep us in the water. We mistake the current for reality.

And the consequences extend beyond the individual. Millions of people are now inhabiting personalised versions of the same public world, each receiving a different selection of events, arguments, grievances and enemies. We share a society but increasingly do not share an informational environment. The resulting fragmentation is more profound than ordinary political disagreement. Each tribe comes to believe not simply that the other side is wrong, but that it inhabits a different reality altogether. This is the strange paradox of what might be called a shared consciousness without a shared world: we are connected to one another more intimately than ever, yet the machinery of connection continually separates us into mutually reinforcing informational enclaves.

There is an older metaphor for this process which has acquired a new and rather sinister meaning. the phrase ‘driving the pigs to market’ once belonged to the world of marketing and advertising: consumers were the pigs, and the industry devised increasingly sophisticated ways of directing them toward the marketplace. The digital transformation has taken the metaphor somewhere else. We are no longer merely being persuaded to buy things. We are being herded towards whatever keeps us looking. Outrage, fear, grievance, tribal affirmation, scandal, novelty and indignation are all particularly effective fodder because they generate the one commodity upon which the platforms depend: attention.

The extraordinary thing is that we now participate in our own herding. We click, react, share, condemn and rage, supplying the behavioural information that allows the machinery to become better at predicting what will keep us engaged. The undertow strengthens with every movement we make against it.

This is why the argument should not be reduced to left versus right, or censorship versus free speech. A conservative algorithm is not preferable to a progressive algorithm; nor is a progressive algorithm preferable to a conservative one. The more fundamental question is whether we should be content to have an opaque commercial system deciding, minute by minute, which fragments of reality deserve our attention.

There is a legitimate danger here, of course. A government that moves beyond giving citizens control over their feeds and begins determining which algorithms are permissible, which political views should be amplified, or what constitutes unacceptable opinion would cross a very different line. The protection of individual autonomy must not become a pretext for state control of information. The principle ought to be simple enough: don’t tell me what I can say; don’t tell me what I must see; and don’t secretly decide what I should see. Give me the ability to decide for myself.

That is not censorship. It is, arguably, the restoration of a small measure of agency in an environment designed to erode it.

The battle over social media is therefore becoming something subtly different from the old battle over freedom of speech. The question is moving from freedom to speak to freedom from algorithmic manipulation. And that may prove to be one of the defining freedoms of the digital age.

For the real democratic question is no longer simply, who gets to speak? It is increasingly: Who gets to decide who hears whom?

Paul Hemphill and In That Howling Infinite September 2026

This essay was written over several months from scattered notes and random thoughts formed and half-formed, all of which seemed to crystallise and take form when reading Keefe’s book, and assembled in a sustained dialogue with an AI language model that contributed to final drafting – and also, obviously, the graphics. 

On the subject of social media and algorithms, and their influence on the shaping of opinions and emotions, see also in In That Howling Infinite: Moral capture, conditional empathy and the failure of shock,and  Meet the Crybully, a hybrid of victim and victor . On AI and the individual, see The promise and the peril of ChatGPT, Diligent chatbot unearths fool’s gold, and 

It’s 3am and an hour of existential angst

The night is dark and full of terrors.
Melisandre, the Red Witch. Game of Thrones

… and the darkest hour is just before dawn.
The Mommas and the Papas

American author F. Scott Fitzgerald wrote in The Crack-Up: “In a real dark night of the soul it is always 3 o’clock in the morning, day after day”.

And who hasn’t awoken at 3am and stayed awake into the early hours overthinking everything when random thoughts scatter and shatter, when matters large and small pitter-patter across the mind like mice scurrying across the room. With the late Warren Zevon, “we contemplate eternity beneath the vast indifference of heaven”, inevitably pondering, as we try time on the descending escalator, the ever-approaching End. And the next second, it’s tomorrow’s “to do” list, the credit card bills, or doctors’ appointments, or “did I turn off the hose in the veggie garden?” The mind runs through a myriad of things that are inconsequential during the daylight hours but are now morphed into potential catastrophes that may or may not come to pass.

So, nothing good comes from 3am; only memories, words unsaid, things unfinished, heartbreak, even and loss. Sleep eludes you and when you do fall into a fitful sleep, it’s a tormented one that leaves you quite enervated, exhausted even, in the morning. And usually, everything always looks much better in the morning. Though, in an entertaining piece in the Sydney Morning Herald, columnist and writer Monica Dux offers that “maybe our daylight optimism is the delusion, and those dark 3am moments are actually glimpses of a fundamental truth, as the distractions of the day are stripped away, and it’s just you and your mortality staring each other down”.

Science, of course, has an explanation or two for this pre-dawn desolation. We all wake up many times through the night and usually slide straight back to sleep. Unless the bladder has sounded a renal reveille, as is common with folk of a certain age. But around about 3am our core body temperature starts to rise, sleep hormones have peaked, and the stress hormone cortisol kicks in, preparing you for the coming day. So, if you wake fully, there’s a good chance you’ll stay that way. And your brain, deprived of other stimulation, will start playing tricks on you, distorting your sense of proportion and reality.

An alternate and seemingly contrary theory is that the hour may be when we emerge from our sleep cycle and circadian rhythm. The body goes through REM sleep at that time; the heart rate is slower, body temperature reduced, breathing pattern and blood pressure irregular. Sudden awakening from REM sleep could cause agitation, fear and disorientation in an individual. Also, during REM sleep, unpleasant and frightful sleep disturbances such as parasomnias can be experienced, including, maybe, nightmares, rapid eye movement sleep behavior disorder, night terrors, sleepwalking, and sleep paralysis.

But why let scientists have all the fun. Don’t we all know already that if you’re going to slip off this mortal coil, odds are it will be between. 3 and 4 am because this is an ambiguous hour of no rules. Before 3am it is still night; after 4 it is morning; and in between lies, we’ll, purgatory. It’s a time when the veil between the worlds is at its thinnest – betwixt the spiritual world and our own, between the living and the dead.

And it’s a well-known fact that 3pm was the time when Our Lord Jesus Christ expired on Golgotha. The opposite, 3am, belongs to Old Nick. It’s The Devil’s Hour, the evil hour, and supposedly, a time of power for satanic skullduggery and supernatural phenomena. It’s not called “the witching hour “for nothing. Some say that it is at precisely 3.33 – half the ‘mark of the Beast’ maybe? Though how Christians worked all this out beats me. In the sixteenth century, the catholic church endeavoured to forbid nocturnal activities between 3 and 4 due to burgeoning fears about witchcraft in Europe, and the fact that this was the hour witches, demons and ghosts were out about and reckoned be at their most powerful.

A forlorn hope, perhaps. Back in those days, it was customary for folk to break their slumber between what we now know are customary sleep cycles with a first and second sleep – one shortly after sundown, followed by a period of nocturnal activity, until one was sleepy again. That in-between waking-time was known to be especially propitious for making magic. Interpret that as you will.

Over to Mister Pickett:

I’m gonna wait ’til the midnight hour
That’s when my love come tumbling down
I’m gonna wait ’til the midnight hour
When there’s no one else around

The Sleep of Reason Produces Monsters Francisco Goya.

The Shepherd’s Dream, John Henry Fuseli

Postscript – beating the 3 o’clock blues

The afore-going contemplation was written four years ago, but due to a WordPress editing glitch, it was erased, recovered and reposted. The following was created recently. 

There is something rather convincing about the idea that 3am is The Devil’s Hour, even if Old Nick himself is innocent of the charge. It is less the hour on the clock than the peculiar psychological territory into which we enter at that hour: the world is asleep, ordinary distractions have fallen away, the body is inconveniently awake, and the mind, deprived of daylight and company, becomes an unusually unreliable narrator.

The moment you awake in the night and look at the clock, your experience changes. You no longer merely have a vague nocturnal awakening; you have been given a fact, and the brain immediately turns it into a story. Why am I awake? Why is it always around three? How much sleep have I had? How little have I got left? And from there it is remarkably easy for the mind to start rummaging through the psychological filing cabinet: mortality, mistakes, unfinished business, money, family, politics, the state of the world, things one said forty years ago that nobody else remembers, and things one might reasonably have forgotten but somehow hasn’t.

At three in the afternoon these thoughts would be problems. At three in the morning they acquire metaphysical significance.

There is a physiological reason for some of this. Sleep is not a uniform eight-hour descent into unconsciousness but a succession of cycles, and the latter part of the night contains proportionally more REM sleep. REM is associated with vivid dreaming, emotional processing and greater brain activity, while the body’s circadian system is still close to its daily low point. Cortisol, body temperature and other systems are beginning their gradual transition towards morning, but psychologically we are still in the middle of the night. If we wake during or immediately after REM, the residue of the dream can cling to consciousness, sometimes producing that peculiar sensation that something is terribly wrong without quite knowing what the something is.

And then there is the darkness itself. Human beings are remarkably good at imposing meaning on incomplete information. At night there is less sensory information to correct the imagination. A creak becomes a possibility; a bodily sensation becomes a symptom; a thought becomes an insight. The rational daylight self has gone off duty, leaving the night shift in the hands of an unpaid committee of catastrophists.

That may explain the old cultural association of the small hours with evil. The Christian tradition did not invent nocturnal fear, of course, but it gave it a particularly durable vocabulary. The folklore is much less historically tidy than the modern internet version suggests. But the symbolism is quite irresistible.

There is also an older and more general human intuition here. The Midnight Hour is dramatic, as Mister Pickett understood; but three in the morning is a lonely time. At midnight one can still imagine that the day has merely paused. At three, the night seems endless. Morning exists somewhere in the future but is not yet visible. It is the temporal equivalent of being stranded in a tunnel: you know there is an exit, but you cannot see it.

Perhaps the best way out is not to enter that tunnel in the first place. Maybe those folk in olden days who broke their sleep and found something to do were on to something.

If the clock is the culprit, when you awake to nature’s call in the wee (no pun intended) small hours, don’t look at it! That clock is not merely measuring the experience; it can help manufacture it. If you wake naturally, punish the porcelain and return to your bed. You don’t know what time it is, and you don’t want to know – removing one of the principal cues that turns an ordinary awakening into an event. You haven’t solved the problem of waking; you’ve deprived the awakened mind of a narrative hook.

There is something almost Zen about it, but let’s not make too much of that. Nature calls. Answer nature. Return to bed. No inquiry into the time of day, no audit of the night’s remaining sleep, no referendum on the meaning of existence. The less information supplied to the nocturnal brain, the fewer opportunities it has to construct a crisis.

Giving booze the boot has probably helped in a more substantial physiological way. Alcohol is a deceptive friend to sleep. It can make falling asleep easier because of its sedative effects, but it tends to fragment sleep later in the night, suppressing REM initially and then producing REM rebound as the alcohol is metabolised. It can also increase awakenings, worsen snoring and sleep-disordered breathing, increase urination and generally make the second half of the night less peaceful than the first. So the classic experience of falling asleep rather splendidly after a few drinks and then finding oneself wide awake and contemplating the decline of Western civilisation at 3:17 is not entirely imaginary.

Removing alcohol removes several of those disturbances at once. It does not mean that you will never wake at three again – human beings remain inconveniently human – but the awakening may be less sticky. You wake, attend to whatever woke you, and go back to sleep rather than allowing the awakening to become an extended philosophical symposium.

There is perhaps a larger lesson in all this. We tend to think of anxiety as something produced by thoughts, but sometimes the conditions under which thoughts occur determine their apparent truth. A proposition that seems profound at 3 am can look rather less compelling at 10 am the morning cuppa  and sunlight. The nocturnal mind is not necessarily telling lies; it is simply conducting its inquiry under peculiarly adverse lighting conditions.

So perhaps our own,  revised theory of the Devil’s Hour is this: the Devil’s real trick is not waking us at three in the morning. It is persuading us to look at the clock when we do. Once we know the hour, we begin to attach significance to it; once we attach significance, we start listening to the thoughts that arrive with it; and once those thoughts acquire the authority of the small hours, perfectly manageable concerns can become existential verdicts.

There is a nice irony in having escaped the 3 a.m. demon not through theology, meditation or some elaborate sleep protocol, but through two very prosaic measures: stop drinking and stop checking the  time. The first changes the sleep. The second changes the story.

And perhaps that is why the latter half of the night seems less haunted now. The Devil, deprived of his clock, has rather lost track of his appointment.

Or has he?  I travelled across several time zones recently. To the Old City of Jerusalem, actually, eight hours behind Bellingen, and the grand old New Imperial Hotel of which I have written at length in the past. Located by the Jaffa Gate, at the entrance to the Christian Quarter, it is just a hop, skip and genuflection from the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and the allegedly actual location of Golgotha. And guess what? After adjusting for jet lag and a two week moratorium on temperance, I have begun to wake up at, yes, 3am. Mind you, after spending my days here  traipsing hither and thither around the Old City and the Holy Land, I am falling asleep at around nine o’clock – which may explain why when I do awaken so early, I feel refreshed and mentally agile, generally unbothered by those angst-ridden nocturnal notions.

Go figure …

Jerusalem, 4am, Monday 26th October 2026

For other indulgent contemplations in In That Howling Infinite, see The quiet tea time of the soul, The first 100 Days on the wagon, The Country Life, and Blue remembered hills – a land of lost contentment 

 

What’s new in In That Howling Infinite?

The past beats inside me like a second heart
John Banville, The Sea

Why is this blog called In That Howling Infinite?  It refers to Herman Melville’s Moby-Dick, a magnificent study in mania and obsession:

“But as in landlessness alone resides highest truth, shoreless, indefinite as God – so better is it to perish in that howling infinite, than be ingloriously dashed upon the lee, even if that were safety!”  Moby–Dick, Chapter 23

In a figurative sense, it speaks of the themes and schemes that are addressed in the thoughts, ideas, songs, poems and stories that feature in this blog. We are, as Bob Dylan sang, “condemned to drift or else be kept from drifting”. And we like to hope that, as the ancient Greek lyric poet Sappho said, “someone will remember us, I say, even in another time”

Here are the most recent articles in In That Howling Infinite.

A historian talks about Palestine’s deep history. An interview with British historian William Dalrymple

Becoming Arab … the myth of fingerprints. A discussion regard Yossef Rapoport’s illuminating Becoming Arab: The Formation of Arab Identity in the Medieval Middle East

Lucifer ascending … the Dark Lord and the evil within. A free-flowing contemplation on the archetypical “big bad” of story and scripture. The sequel to Lucifer Descending … encounters with the morning star 

The Geography of Faith: America and the Gospel of Power. What happens when a nation with immense material power begins to clothe that power in sacred language?

Smyrna 1922 and the Ottoman endgame. The expulsion of the millennia long Greek presence in Anatolia was one of the last chapters in the extraordinarily violent disintegration of the Ottoman Empire.

Beside Strange Waters. The dark side of former Pink Floyd front man and currently, controversial political activist

Maps, memory, and the myth of fingerprints. Old maps are not title deeds and cannot be manifestos – the limits of cartography.

Alexander Dugin versus Sydney Sweeney. When a Russian philosopher and ideologue called “Putin’s brain” takes on a pulchritudinous film star.

Echo of the Steppes … history’s long shadow. History as we like it: the historian as storyteller, where landscapes become characters and the past refuses to remain buried.

Rasputin and the downfall of the Romanovs. To admirers he was a man of God; to his enemies, a charlatan, sexual predator, political manipulator and symbol of everything rotten within Russia’s last royal dynasty.

The featured picture at the head of this page is the interior of St George’s Greek Orthodox Church in Madaba, Jordan, home of the sixth century Madaba map, discussed in Maps, memory, and the myth of fingerprints 

Sydney Sweeney has good jeans

Ten  favourites:

A Short History of the Rise and Fall of the West. In one of the first essays published in In That Howling Infinite, we walked down what Welsh poet RS Thomas called ‘the long road of history”, beginning with the usual suspects: power and pride, greed, and aggrandisement, and as accessories after the fact, dolour, devastation, and death.

Blood and Brick … a world of walls. Hadrian’s Wall, the Theodosian Wall, the Berlin Wall, Northerm Ireland’s Peace Wall, Israel’s Separation Wall, George RR Martin’s Ice Wall, the wall you can see from space, and walls that most people have never heard of. If walls could talk, what take they woukd tell. While walls are destined to fall one day, people like them. They project a language of security – but they stem from a sense of insecurity, a fear of losing what you have.

One Land, Two Peoples: History, Memory, Continuity, and Inheritance. The history of Israel and Palestine does not yield to forensic neatness. This land holds layered attachment; Jewish longing and Palestinian dispossession; British imperial design and Arab nationalist pride; secular aspiration and religious revival; survival strategy and ideological fervour. None alone explains the whole. Together they form the sediment of a century.

The Twilight of the Equine Gods. An illuminating canter through the story of the “Centaurian Pact” between humans and horses. it is at once a ride and revelation. The horse, as German academic and cultural scientist Ulrich Raulff’s tells us, “has been man’s most important companion – forget cats and dogs – and the most durable of historical alliances – against which every other covenant into which we have entered has been fragile and ephemeral – not even our relationship with our gods has shown a comparable degree of stability”.

The Sport of Kings. CE Morgan’s “great American novel” is not a history book – nor is it an historical novel. But it is most certainly about history. And about identity. As Morgan puts it: “You would never escape the category of your birth”. It is also about memory and myth: “Repeated long enough, stories become memory and memory becomes fact”.

Blue remembered hills – a land of lost contentment. “Nostalgia”, literally the pain associated with the thought of home, or homesickness, is derived from the Greek “nostos” – a theme used in Ancient Greek literature most notably in the recently reimagined Odyssey, involving an epic hero returning home after a long time away. Nostalgia reveals the deep longing for a home that our younger selves took for granted, and bittersweet return to people and places that have changed forever. But it isn’t all it’s cracked out to be, and, indeed, can bring out the worst in us, becoming a millstone of bitterness and regret strung about the necks of discontented souls who drift off into a maze of memories, meanings and emotions.

A cowboy key – how the west was sung. My riding days are over, but I have been into westerns all my life, and the songs inspired by them – in films, musicals and popular song, from ghostly herds to outlaw chic, Frankie Laing to Leonard Cohen and Taylor Swift. And, as a onetime musician myself, I have, back in days gone by, penned songs in a cowboy key.

McGoohan’s Blues – sunbathing in the rain. How an eighteen minute digression from the concept if not the plot of an iconic if indecipherable ‘sixties’ television series made an indelible impression on an impressionable twenty year old who remains mightily impressed with this song by Britain’s high priest of angst.

The Boys of Wexford – memory and memoir. “Fast forwaranother century, and I was “on the Holy Ground once more” attending the wedding of an old pal held in an old pub in the heart of Ireland. Getting there, we’d done a whistle-stop tour of the south, including Inis Córthaid (my mother’s hometown), Wexford and Ross, the heartland of the ‘98 rebellion … I was best man at that wedding, and in a speech largely devoted to the groom and our mutual, lifelong appreciation of Bob Dylan, I was able to relate to guests young and old tales of my Irish childhood, taking us all “down the foggy ruins of time”, and sang extracts from songs I actually did learn at my mothers knee, the song-lines of my Celtic twilight.

About the creator of this blog

Paul Hemphill is a British-born Australian songwriter, poet, and blogger.

Once upon a time, he was an accountant by profession, a manager, mentor and mediator. A long-time resident of Sydney, he is now living in the middle of the forest on the mid north coast of New South Wales, Australia, where he spends much of his time in the great outdoors.

His interests include music, poetry, politics and history. He has had a lifelong passion for the history, politics and people of the Middle East. Over the years, through study and travel, he has acquired a working knowledge of standard and colloquial Arabic.

Listen to some of Paul’s songs on SoundCloud and YouTube. Search under Paul Hemphill or HuldreFolk (but ignore the Flemish death metal band of the same name). He has assembled seven volumes of poetry and verse, and these can be read on this blog.

Check out In That Howling Infinite on FaceBook.

Asemitism … when Jews disappear from the argument

Yesterday, upon the stair,
I met a man who wasn’t there
He wasn’t there again today
I wish, I wish he’d go away
William Hughes Mearns, Antigonish (1899)

When bestselling Australian author Richard Flanagan recently delivered a provocative address at the Festival of Dangerous Ideas, he struck a nerve. Conservative commentators were quick to condemn what they saw as a dangerous minimisation of antisemitism, particularly in the wake of the Bondi attack.

His argument was not that antisemitism did not exist, but that much of the contemporary Australian discussion of it had been misdirected. He argued that the “Israel lobby” – a term he used broadly for those campaigning on behalf of Israel and against what they regarded as antisemitism – had helped create a climate in which criticism of Israel was too readily conflated with hatred of Jews. More controversially, he questioned the way the Bondi murders of 14 December last year had been understood, arguing that the killings should not simply be explained as the product of antisemitism, and suggested that provocative actions and rhetoric surrounding Israel and Gaza had contributed to the circumstances in which they occurred.

Three responses, from academic Greg Craven, historian Nick Dyrenfurth, and economist Henry Ergas, each republished below., were particularly interesting, if hardly surprising given their respective positions on the subject.

For Craven, this amounted to a profound inversion of cause and effect: antisemitism was being treated not as something that produced violence, but as something produced by the political conduct of its victims or their alleged representatives. Dyrenfurth similarly saw in Flanagan’s argument a refusal to confront the deeper sources of contemporary Jew-hatred.

Ergas argues that contemporary antisemitism need not take the familiar form of overt hostility towards Jews. Instead, Jews can disappear as people while Jewishness remains present as a political abstraction: “the Lobby”, hidden influence, divided loyalty, or an alleged mechanism of control. Accusations of antisemitism can themselves be dismissed as instruments of Jewish or pro-Israel manipulation.

Yet what particularly caught my attention was something almost incidental in Craven’s response. He suggested that there is a phenomenon distinct from antisemitism, which he called “asemitism”: not hatred of Jews, but a curious inability to see Jews at all – to acknowledge their presence as Jews, or their particular vulnerability, within an argument ostensibly about something else.

The Jew becomes almost invisible as an individual human being, yet somehow omnipresent as an explanation. It is, in effect, absence becoming presence – the  Jew disappearing from view while the imagined Jew remains everywhere.

This struck a chord because it was something I had observed before, although from a rather different perspective, without giving it a name. I have written about the tendency, in arguments over Israel and Palestine, to turn actual people into political abstractions: Israelis into Zionists, Jews into Israel, Palestinians into Hamas, and individuals into representatives of causes they may or may not support.

Craven’s word therefore got me thinking. What happens when Jews disappear from the argument, when they disappear from the moral field as people and reappear only as a political abstraction?

The invisible man

There is a curious form of antisemitism that does not necessarily hate Jews. It simply cannot see them.

The former Australian Catholic University vice-chancellor Greg Craven has given this phenomenon a useful name: asemitism. His immediate target was the novelist Richard Flanagan, whose argument about antisemitism in Australia, as Craven describes it, attributes much of the present hostility to Jews to the activities of an amorphous “Israel lobby”. But the larger idea is more interesting than the particular quarrel. Asemitism describes the tendency to make Jews disappear from a discussion precisely when Jews are among the people most directly affected by it.

The distinction matters. Antisemitism is relatively easy to recognise when it takes the familiar form of hatred, conspiracy theory, racial slurs, intimidation or violence. Asemitism is subtler. It says, in effect: this isn’t about Jews. It is about Israel, Zionism, colonialism, Gaza, the occupation, the lobby, American foreign policy, or something else entirely. Jews therefore need not enter the moral equation.

The problem is that they do.

A Jewish school requiring armed security is not merely a footnote to a debate about Israel. A Jewish child being abused in the street is not simply collateral damage from a geopolitical argument. A Jewish Australian being told that he or she is responsible for the actions of a government on the other side of the world is not participating in a debate about foreign policy. These are things happening to actual people.

Asemitism works by substituting an abstraction for those people. “The Jews” become “the Israel lobby”; Jewish identity becomes Zionism; Zionism becomes Israel; Israel becomes the actions of its current government; and suddenly the ordinary Jew has vanished from view. Once that substitution has been made, almost anything can be explained without reference to the people experiencing it. Antisemitism becomes an invention of the lobby. Jewish anxiety becomes political manipulation. Jewish objections become attempts to silence criticism of Israel. A threat to Jews becomes merely an unpleasant but understandable by-product of protest.

None of this means that criticism of Israel is antisemitic. It plainly is not. Nor is criticism of Zionism, the Israeli government, the occupation or the conduct of the Gaza war automatically antisemitic. Democratic societies depend upon the freedom to make precisely such arguments. Nor should accusations of antisemitism be used as a shield against uncomfortable political criticism.

The test is rather different: can Jews remain visible as Jews and as individuals while the argument is being made?

That question has particular force in Australia because the history of Australian Jewry does not fit neatly into the popular image of multiculturalism as a succession of migrant communities arriving from elsewhere. Jews were here with the First Fleet. They have been part of the Australian story for more than two centuries. They have served in the armed forces, entered Parliament, populated universities and the professions, built businesses, contributed to philanthropy and the arts, and occupied distinguished positions in public life.

In other words, most Australian Jews are not visibly “foreign”. They are Australians.

That makes the contemporary phenomenon of asemitism especially revealing. Australian Jews are often indistinguishable, culturally and physically, from their fellow Australians. Their Jewishness may be expressed through religion, family, memory, community or simply ancestry; it may be barely visible at all. Yet in moments of political crisis they can suddenly be transformed from ordinary Australians into representatives of an imagined foreign entity.

It is a strange reversal. A community that has spent generations becoming unexceptional in the best sense of the word – part of the ordinary fabric of Australian life – is suddenly rendered foreign by the political imagination of others.

There is an analogy here with the long history of Irish Catholics in Australia. They were once regarded by sections of the Anglo-Protestant establishment as a suspect, disloyal or insufficiently Australian minority. Over generations, that distinction largely dissolved. The descendants of Irish immigrants became simply Australians. Their Irishness did not disappear; it ceased to (determine their status as citizens.

Something similar happened with Australian Jews. They did not cease to be Jewish. They became Australian Jews.

Asemitism threatens to reverse that achievement. It does so not necessarily by expelling Jews from the national community but by reassigning them to another political category. You are Jewish; therefore you are assumed to have a position on Israel. You are a Zionist; therefore you are assumed to support everything Israel does. You support Israel’s existence; therefore you are treated as an agent of the Israeli state. You object to antisemitic rhetoric, therefore you are assumed to be defending the Israeli government. The individual disappears beneath the label.

There is an even older pattern here. One of the most persistent features of antisemitism has been the refusal to allow Jews to be merely what everyone else is allowed to be: individuals with differing opinions, loyalties, interests and political beliefs. Jews have historically been imagined as a collective possessing a hidden solidarity and a common agenda. The modern version need not invoke the old language of Jewish conspiracy. It can speak instead of “the lobby”, “Zionists”, “Jewish influence” or “Israel supporters”. The vocabulary changes; the underlying collectivisation can remain.

That is why asemitism is an interesting concept. It identifies the point at which apparently sophisticated political discourse can reproduce an ancient habit without necessarily resembling traditional antisemitic rhetoric.

And it cuts both ways. If every criticism of Israel is declared antisemitic, Jews themselves are reduced to a political instrument: their identity is invoked to protect a government or ideology with which individual Jews may agree, disagree or have no connection. That too makes Jews disappear as individuals. The cure for asemitism cannot therefore be to place Israel beyond criticism. It must be to insist upon the opposite: Jews are entitled to the same diversity of political opinion as everybody else.

Asemitism is, at bottom, a failure of recognition. It is the inability to see the Jewish person standing behind the political abstraction.

That is why the concept is potentially more important than the particular controversy in which Craven introduced it. It allows us to distinguish between hatred and blindness. The antisemite sees the Jew and hates him. The asemite may insist that the Jew isn’t there at all.

But if Jews are absent from the argument, while Jewish schools require guards, Jewish children are intimidated, Jewish institutions are threatened and Jewish Australians are held responsible for events overseas, then something has gone badly wrong with the argument.

The first obligation is simply to see the person.

Before Jew, before Zionist, before Israeli, before Palestinian, before supporter or opponent of any government or cause, there is an Australian citizen standing in front of us. And that, perhaps, is precisely what asemitism makes hardest to see.

In That Howling Infinite, September 2026

Coda: Mearn’s paradox

William Hughes Mearns, the American educator and poet, best known for Antigonish (“The Little Man Who Wasn’t There”). That makes the opening much more directly relevant. His short poem, Antagonish, inspired by a Nova Scotia ghost story, gives us the paradox of something simultaneously absent and impossible to ignore: a phantom whose very invisibility makes him present. It is an apt metaphor for asemitism – not necessarily hatred of Jews, but the tendency to make Jews disappear from the frame while they remain implicated in what is being discussed. The Jewish Australian is “not there” when the subject is Israel, Zionism, Gaza or the lobby, yet somehow reappears in the consequences. In other words, Jews can be rendered invisible as people while becoming conspicuously visible as symbols: the ordinary Australian suddenly recast as “Zionist”, “Israel”, or part of some amorphous “lobby”

That is a neat metaphor for what you are exploring. Asemitism is not necessarily the hatred of Jews; it is the curious phenomenon in which Jews disappear from the frame while remaining the unacknowledged subject of what is happening. The Jewish Australian is “not there”—the discussion is about Israel, Zionism, Gaza, colonialism, lobbying or foreign policy—but somehow the Jew keeps turning up in the consequences.

Indeed, the Mearns poem gives you an even sharper formulation. The man “wasn’t there”, yet the speaker met him. His absence has become an encounter.

That is precisely the paradox you can pursue: Jews can be rendered invisible as people while becoming highly visible as symbols. The Australian Jew may be simply another Australian—neighbour, colleague, soldier, academic, businessperson, friend—until a distant conflict causes him or her to be recast as “Zionist”, “Israel”, “the lobby”, or some other political abstraction.

And this makes your later reference to H. G. Wells’s The Invisible Man rather nice. Mearns gives you the whimsical, unsettling version: the man who wasn’t there. Wells gives you the literalised version: a man who is physically present but cannot be seen. Your essay explores a third version: the person who is visible but whom a political culture has learned not to see.

That could become a particularly elegant opening motif for the essay: Mearns’ little poem begins as a ghost story but turns out to be a story about perception. Your argument then asks what happens when an entire category of people becomes similarly imperceptible—not because they have disappeared, but because we have learned to look past them.

The curious asymmetry

There is a paradox here, one that takes us beyond asemitism itself. Many of those caught up in what has become an algorithmic tangle had never previously shown much interest in the Middle East. They had not followed its history, its competing national narratives or its wars, and had never displayed anything like the same intensity about conflicts and atrocities elsewhere in the world. Yet Israel and Gaza have somehow acquired the extraordinary capacity to inflame them—to turn a distant and complicated conflict into an intensely personal moral cause.

There are, of course, perfectly legitimate reasons why Israel–Palestine attracts unusual attention. The conflict has a long and tragic history; it touches three major religions; it has involved the great powers; Australia has its own connections to the region; and the images emerging from Gaza are genuinely horrific. Israel is also a Western-aligned democracy, and it is entirely reasonable to argue that democratic states should be held to demanding standards.

But none of this quite explains the asymmetry.

We do not ordinarily hold Russian Australians responsible for Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, or Chinese Australians for the policies of Beijing, or Serbian Australians for the crimes of Belgrade. Indonesians in Australia were not generally treated as proxies for the Indonesian government when East Timor was invaded. There have certainly been outbreaks of hostility towards people associated with countries whose governments have behaved appallingly; nothing about antisemitism is unique in that respect. What is unusual is the persistent tendency to collapse the distinction between a Jewish person and a foreign state.

A Jewish Australian may be expected to explain or condemn the actions of the Israeli government simply because he is Jewish. His views about Netanyahu, Gaza or the occupation may be unknown and entirely irrelevant. His Jewishness itself can become politically diagnostic. The individual disappears and the symbol takes his place.

This is where the algorithmic age adds another layer to the problem. Social media does not require historical knowledge before it delivers moral certainty. A sequence of images of dead children, demolished buildings, grieving parents, angry slogans and simplified historical explanations can turn a previously remote conflict into an emotional universe. The more intensely one reacts, the more of the same material the algorithm supplies. Complexity becomes noise; qualification becomes equivocation; competing narratives become evidence of bad faith. Eventually the viewer may know remarkably little about the history of the conflict while possessing absolute certainty about who is guilty.

The result is not necessarily antisemitism. Many people genuinely care about Palestinian suffering and are motivated by a perfectly legitimate moral impulse. But something else can happen along the way. Israel ceases to be a country whose government is being criticised and becomes a moral abstraction: colonialism, racism, Western imperialism, apartheid, or some other embodiment of political evil. And because Israel is so closely identified with Jews in the popular imagination, Jews can become implicated in that abstraction whether they want to be or not.

This is the point at which the idea of asemitism becomes useful. The Jewish Australian is simultaneously invisible and hyper-visible. Invisible as an individual, because nobody asks who he or she actually is or what they actually believe; hyper-visible as a symbol, because Jewishness is treated as evidence of a presumed relationship to Israel.

The irony is considerable. Australian Jews have been here since the First Fleet. They are not, for the most part, visibly distinguishable from their fellow citizens. They have served in our armed forces, entered Parliament, taught in our universities, built businesses, practised the professions and contributed to public and cultural life. Like the descendants of Irish Catholics who were once regarded as an alien and suspect minority, generations of Australian Jews have simply become Australians.

Yet a conflict thousands of kilometres away can suddenly make them foreign again.

That is the question I find difficult to get past. Not why people criticise Israel—they should be free to do so, vigorously. Not even why this particular conflict attracts more attention than others. But why the asymmetry becomes so pronounced when Jews are involved. Why can an ordinary Australian citizen be transformed, by nothing more than his or her Jewish identity, into a representative of a foreign state? Why is the distinction between a government and the people associated with it so readily maintained in almost every other case, yet so often abandoned here?

There may be many answers: the extraordinary history of antisemitism; the symbolic and religious importance of the land; the polarising power of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict; the politics of the diaspora; the peculiarities of the Western left and right; the influence of social media; or simply the human tendency to reduce complicated conflicts to stories of innocent victims and malevolent perpetrators.

Perhaps it is some combination of all of them.

But the question remains. Why this conflict? Why this country? And why, when Israel becomes the object of moral outrage, do Jews so often become entangled in a conflict that is not theirs simply by virtue of being Jewish?

That is where the phantom in Mearns’s poem returns. The Jew who supposedly “isn’t there” turns out to have been there all along.

Pavlov’s progressives

There seems to be a Pavlovian reflex abroad among progressives – whenever there are government moves to combat the upsurge of antisemitism in Australia, and when resources are allocated towards combatting it, and particularly when Jewish organisations are the perceived or actual recipients, people of ostensible goodwill post comments and share memes asserting: that there is no upsurge in antisemitism; that other minorities are the most vulnerable targets of harassment and discrimination, particularly Muslims ; that Jews receive special treatment, and benefits disproportionate to their meagre numbers population-wise; that special treatment runs contrary to our government’s duty to promote equality for all. These arguments were also raised – ironically on the right – during the Voice to Parliament referendum campaign.

Why is this is so?

Part of it is simple moral competition in an age of scarcity – not scarcity of money necessarily, but scarcity of attention, legitimacy, symbolic recognition, and institutional empathy. Modern politics increasingly operates through what sociologists sometimes call a “hierarchy of suffering,” in which recognition of one group’s vulnerability is often interpreted, wrongly but emotionally powerfully, as diminishing another’s.

So when governments announce funding, inquiries, security measures, educational programs, or public condemnations relating to antisemitism, some progressives instinctively translate this not as “the state is addressing one real problem,” but as “the state is privileging this minority over others.”

The response becomes comparative rather than diagnostic: what about Islamophobia? what about Indigenous Australians? what about refugees? In principle, comparative concern can be healthy. In practice, it often slides into resentment politics.

There is also a specifically post-October 7 dynamic at work. For many people on the progressive side, support for Palestinians has become morally central to their political identity. Because Israel is widely perceived within those circles as aligned with Western power, military dominance, and colonial structures, Jews in diaspora communities are sometimes – unfairly and dangerously – perceived as adjacent to that power. The distinction between “Jews,” “Zionists,” “supporters of Israel,” “the Israeli government,” and “organised Jewish institutions” becomes blurred in public discourse. Once that blur occurs, anti-antisemitism initiatives are no longer viewed neutrally as anti-racism measures; they are interpreted as political instruments protecting power.

That helps explain the peculiar reflex whereby even acknowledging antisemitism can be treated with suspicion. If Jewish vulnerability is admitted, then Jews cease to fit neatly into the binary moral framework of “powerful oppressor” versus “marginalised oppressed.” Contemporary activist culture often struggles with complexity of that sort. Jews occupy an awkward sociological position: a tiny minority with visible success in some sectors, but also with a long history of persecution and recurring vulnerability. Minority status and perceived privilege coexist. Many ideological frameworks are uncomfortable holding both ideas simultaneously.

The irony is that similar arguments emerged from parts of the conservative side during the Indigenous Voice to Parliament debate – which led to the failure of the referendum: why should one group receive special recognition? why should resources or institutional mechanisms exist for one minority and not others?

The rhetoric changes, but the underlying egalitarian objection is structurally similar. Liberal democracies constantly wrestle with the tension between universal equality and targeted protections. We accept specialised programs for veterans, Indigenous communities, domestic violence victims, rural Australians, disabled people, and multicultural groups because formal equality alone does not always address particular vulnerabilities. Yet when Jews are involved, some people suddenly become hyper-universalist.

Another factor is the persistence of older tropes about Jewish influence and access. These rarely appear today in openly conspiratorial language among educated progressives. Instead they emerge in coded institutional form: “disproportionate influence,” “special access,” “lobby power,” “politicians are afraid,” “media protection,” “exceptional treatment.” Sometimes there are legitimate discussions to be had about lobbying or political advocacy – every organised community advocates. But Jews occupy a unique symbolic place in Western political imagination, shaped by centuries of antisemitic narratives portraying them as secretly powerful, unusually connected, or able to manipulate institutions for communal gain. Modern educated discourse often reproduces these themes unconsciously while believing itself entirely anti-racist.

Social media worsens all this.

Algorithms reward outrage, simplification, and tribal reinforcement. It is emotionally satisfying within online communities to puncture perceived hypocrisy: “Look, the government cares more about Jews than Muslims.” The claim signals moral sophistication and resistance to establishment narratives. But the medium discourages nuance – for example, the possibility that both antisemitism and Islamophobia have risen; that both Jews and Muslims can feel vulnerable simultaneously; that governments can address multiple forms of racism at once; or that Jewish institutions receiving security funding after synagogue attacks is not evidence of sinister favouritism but a response to assessed threat levels.

There is also an older progressive discomfort with Jews that long predates Israel. Jews historically complicated left-wing narratives because they did not fit neatly into class categories either: often urban, diasporic, literate, commercially successful in in some fields, yet periodically scapegoated, excluded, expelled, and massacred. In some strands of radical thought, success itself becomes suspicious. A minority perceived as “doing well” can lose moral legitimacy in the eyes of movements that increasingly interpret justice through visible disadvantage.

And finally, there is the psychological appeal of inversion. Many educated people like to imagine themselves as resisting dominant power. Since antisemitism is associated in public memory with fascism and the far right, acknowledging antisemitism within progressive spaces threatens self-identity. It is easier to redefine the problem away – to insist concerns are exaggerated, instrumentalised, or distractions from Gaza – than to confront the uncomfortable possibility that movements devoted to justice can also incubate prejudice.

None of this means criticism of Israeli policy is antisemitic, nor that concerns about unequal treatment of minorities are inherently illegitimate. Democracies should debate allocation of resources and consistency of anti-racism policy. But when every discussion of antisemitism immediately triggers denial, deflection, comparative minimisation, or insinuations about Jewish power, something deeper than ordinary policy disagreement is usually operating beneath the surface.

In That Howling Infinite, September 2026

This essay was written in conversation with an AI language model, which contributed to drafting, phrasing, and structure.

Postscript:  We’ve been here before.

This opinion piece is one of several which discus the attitudes of progressives towards the Israel, Palestine and the Gaza war, and also, consider the subjects of invisibility and asymmetry.

The first is Moral capture, conditional empathy and the failure of shock, a discussion on why erstwhile liberal, humanistic, progressive people from all walks of life have been caught up in what can be without subtly described as that anti-Israel machinery Shaping facts to feelings – debating intellectual dishonesty– regarding the Gaza war, intellectual dishonesty is everywhere, on both sides of the divide, magnified by mainstream and social media’s hunger for moral simplicity and viral outrage. Standing on the high moral ground is hard work! discusses the issues of free speech and “cancellation”, and boycotts with regard to the recent self-implosion of the Adelaide Writers’ Festival, one of the country’s oldest and most revered. Meet the Crybully, a hybrid of victim and victor, the symbolic citizen of a culture that increasingly confuses feeling wounded with being right, visibility with virtue, and accusation with truth. See also, Regarding Australia’s Royal Commission into Antisemitism, see also in In That Howling Infinite: An Australian Jew’s submission to the Royal Commission

In most of these essays, we concluded with the following segment. It touches on many of the issues and arguments of this article on Asemitism. It is followed by a supplemental section written by ChatGPT on the question of the so-called “Jewish Lobby” that underlies many contemporary narratives on the extreme left and right and what we see as the myth of Jewish influence over Australian politics.

Looking for the “good Jews”

In This Is What It Looks Like, we wrote: “… antisemitism does not arrive announcing itself. It seeps. It jokes. It chants. It flatters those who believe they are on the right side of history, until history arrives and asks what they tolerated in its name”.

One of those jokes landed, flatly, on January 7 when the otherwise circumspect Age and Sydney Morning Herald published a caricature drawn by the award-winning cartoonist Cathy Wilcox. It presented those calling for a forthcoming royal commission into antisemitism as naïve participants in a hierarchy of manipulation. At the surface were the petitioners themselves; beneath them senior Coalition figures – Sussan Ley, Jacinta Nampijinpa Price, John Howard, David Littleproud – alongside Rupert Murdoch and Jillian Siegel, lawyer, businesswoman and Australia’s Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism; and behind them all, setting the rhythm, Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. Each layer marched to a beat not its own.

Cathy Wilcox cartoon, SMH 7 January 2026

Critics argued that the image revived a familiar and corrosive trope: the suggestion of hidden Jewish influence directing political life from the shadows. The cartoon, titled Grass roots, depicts a cluster of foolish-looking figures demanding a royal commission. They are presumably meant to represent the families of the dead, as well as lawyers, judges, business leaders and sporting figures who had urged government action long before the Prime Minister concluded that continued indifference might stain his legacy. When he finally announced a royal commission—expanded, without explanation, to include the elastic phrase “social cohesion” – no journalist paused to ask what that addition was meant to clarify.

In the drawing, a dog stands among these Australians, holding a placard and thinking, “Don’t mention the war.” The grass beneath their feet is supported by a menacing cast: and stock villains of the anti-Zionist imagination. The implication is unmistakable: that the pleas of grieving families and prominent citizens are neither organic nor sincere, but choreographed – another performance conducted from afar.

That implication did not arise in isolation. Across social and mainstream media, many progressives called for Jillian Segal to be removed and her report rejected out of hand. Others elevated Jewish critics of the war, of Zionism, or of Netanyahu as moral exemplars – “good Jews,” “some Jews tell the truth” – as if Jewish legitimacy were contingent on ideological alignment.  Some wrote openly that Jews, “for their numbers,” exercised excessive influence. One circulating meme complained, “We didn’t vote for a Zionist voice”, whilst other posts informed their echo chamber that Chabad Bondi, a branch of the global Jewish outreach organisation, which had organised the Hanukkah gathering on the fateful Sunday evening and also the local commemorations for the victims (and later, the tribute at the Sydney Opera House) was but another tentacle of the sinister and  uber-influential Jewish Lobby. Some of the most incongruous postings have been of ultra Orthodox Jews – Haredim – with signs condemning the Gaza war and Zionism, as if to say these are the authentic, “good” Jews. Some footage actually shows Haredim protesting against the Israeli government’s efforts to conscript exempt yeshiva students into the IDF – but, as they say, every picture tells a story.

Running beneath this was a persistent misconception. Judaism was treated as a religion, detachable and voluntary, rather than as an ethnoreligious identity shaped by lineage, memory and shared fate. Jews were asked not simply to oppose Israeli policy but to renounce their “homeland,” their inheritance, their sense of collective belonging. Census figures were deployed to minimise Jewish presence, overlooking the fact that many Jews, with Germany in the 1930s still in mind, remain reluctant to advertise religious affiliation. Genealogical platforms tell a different story: the number of people who discover Jewish ancestry far exceeds those who publicly profess the faith.

Another factor further clouds understanding. Jews are rarely dogmatically regarded as part of what Australians loosely call our “multicultural” society – a variegated demographic more often reserved for the post–White Australia waves of migration – communities that are visibly non-European or culturally distinct. Jews slipped beneath that radar. Many arrived well before the Second World War, and those who came before and after tended to integrate, to go mainstream, to succeed, and therefore not to stand out.

As a result, Jews were quietly folded into an older Judeo-Christian demographic, grouped alongside Protestants and Catholics as part of the cultural furniture rather than recognised as a minority with a distinct history and vulnerability. In most urban, and even regional settings, many Australians would be unaware that Jewish families live among them at all. At the same time, a surprising number of people carry Jewish ancestry several generations back, or are connected through marriage or descent, without regarding this as identity in any conscious way.

This invisibility cuts both ways. It has allowed Jews to belong without friction, but it has also made Jewishness strangely abstract – easy to misclassify as belief rather than continuity, easy to overlook as lived experience, and easy, when political passions rise, to treat as conditional.

Here the paradox sharpens, particularly among progressives. There is genuine respect for Indigenous Australians’ reverence for history, genealogy and Country: an understanding that identity is inherited as much as chosen, that land carries memory and obligation across generations. Yet the Jewish connection to Zion is denied that same conceptual dignity. What is recognised as ancestral continuity in one case is dismissed in the other as theology, nationalism or ideology.

The inconsistency is telling. Jewish attachment to place is stripped of its historical depth and cultural persistence, judged by standards not applied elsewhere. In that light, the cartoon does more than offend. It gives visual form to a deeper habit of thought: one that sorts Jews into acceptable and unacceptable categories, organic grief and foreign orchestration, legitimate belonging and suspect attachment- depending on who is being asked to explain themselves, and to whom.

All of this helps to explain the dangerous and disturbing upsurge in antisemitism over the past two years and earlier.

The Bondi massacre did not invent anti-Semitism in Australia; it exposed a system already bent, quietly, against seeing it. Two recent articles in The Australian show in complementary ways two faces of the same failure: one structural, one intimate. On the one hand, Professor Timothy Lynch diagnoses the intellectual and institutional blindness that allows hatred to incubate unchecked; on the other, author Lee Kofman shows the personal toll when grief itself is made conditional on passing someone else’s moral purity test. Together, they reveal a society in which moral frameworks have become cages rather than guides.

For decades, Australian multiculturalism has performed a delicate contortion: apologising for its own history while demanding loyalty from newcomers. Original British settlement is framed as a sin; multiethnic immigration is a progressive corrective. The paradox, Lynch notes, is that the very order migrants join is simultaneously denigrated by the leaders they are expected to trust. Within this structure, Jews occupy an uncomfortable space: electorally negligible, culturally visible, historically persecuted, yet paradoxically recoded as white and colonial. Zionism – a project of survival and refug e- is reframed as a form of imperial wrongdoing, while other nationalisms pass without scrutiny. Anti-Semitism, filtered through progressive identity politics, becomes an exception to the very rules designed to prevent harm.

Bondi rendered these abstract asymmetries concrete. The massacre forced recognition that anti-Semitism, once dismissed as campus rhetoric or aestheticised resistance, could and would become lethal. Lynch observes that progressive moral frameworks – micro-aggressions monitored, systemic racism theorised -stop precisely at the Jew. A royal commission, he argues, would not be vindictive; it would be a sober exercise in moral clarity, tracing the cultural and ideological currents that incubated violence. Yet the same cultural institutions that produced those currents remain invested in their own innocence, framing ideas as harmless discourse even as they provide tacit validation for hatred.

The myth of Jewish influence 

The starting question – whether there is “solid, concrete evidence” of Zionist or Jewish influence over Australian government and society – has, since October 7, acquired a sharper edge and a louder echo. In the wake of the attacks, the war in Gaza, and the subsequent rise in domestic tension, social media in particular has filled with claims—often from the progressive side, and not infrequently from otherwise careful and intelligent commentators – about the malign and disproportionate influence of a “Zionist” or “Jewish lobby.” This rhetoric has been further amplified in Australia by the appointment of Jillian Segal as the Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism, and by the establishment of a parliamentary inquiry (often loosely described as a “royal commission”) into antisemitism on Australian university campuses and in public life. Together, these developments have been read by some as evidence not of a policy response to rising antisemitism, but of the very influence they allege.

That interpretation, however, only makes sense if one begins from the assumption that such influence exists in a covert, coordinated, and disproportionate form. The more useful approach is to step back and examine how influence actually operates across the Australian system as a whole.

Australian public life is shaped most heavily by large, well-resourced peak bodies, particularly in business and industry. Organisations such as the Business Council of Australia, the Minerals Council, the Property Council, and the Australian Energy Producers (formerly APPEA) are permanent fixtures in policy formation. They produce economic modelling, maintain direct access to ministers and departments, and help define what governments regard as economically viable. Their influence is not hidden; it is structural, continuous, and grounded in resources, expertise, and institutional proximity to decision-making.

Alongside them sit the trade union movement, coordinated by the ACTU and expressed through powerful sectoral unions like the CFMEU, ANMF, and TWU. Their influence operates through membership, industrial leverage, and formal ties to the Labor Party. They shape debates on wages, workplace law, and social policy, sometimes from within government, sometimes through public campaigns. Like business groups, their role is embedded and enduring.

A third layer consists of issue-based advocacy organisations, particularly in the environmental sector. Groups such as the Australian Conservation Foundation, Greenpeace, WWF, and the Climate Council have been central to elevating climate and environmental concerns within national politics. Their influence tends to operate through public persuasion, media engagement, and strategic litigation rather than direct economic leverage. They rarely determine policy outcomes alone, but they have significantly shifted the parameters of debate over time.

The social welfare sector – including ACOSS, Anglicare, Mission Australia, and the St Vincent de Paul Society – contributes a different kind of influence. These organisations draw on service delivery and lived experience to inform policy on poverty, housing, and inequality. They are less dominant in fiscal decision-making but play an important role in shaping the ethical and empirical context in which those decisions are made.

In health and medicine, bodies such as the AMA, RACGP, and Cancer Council exercise influence grounded in professional authority and public trust. Their input is often decisive in technical areas of policy and becomes especially prominent during national crises, though it remains part of a broader advisory ecosystem.

Legal and civil liberties organisations – the Law Council, Human Rights Law Centre, and others – operate at the level of principle, scrutinising legislation and advocating for rights-based constraints on government action. Their influence is typically indirect but can be significant in shaping legal frameworks and public debate.

Within this wider system sit community and diaspora advocacy groups, including Jewish organisations (such as the Executive Council of Australian Jewry and the Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council), Muslim organisations (AFIC, ANIC), and others (such as FECCA and Armenian advocacy bodies). These groups engage in standard democratic practices: making submissions, meeting with policymakers, contributing to public debate, and, at times, facilitating international engagement. Their influence is real in the sense that they are part of the policy conversation, particularly on foreign affairs and multicultural issues. However, in comparative terms, they are generally modest in financial resources, institutional reach, and structural power relative to major business or union actors.

Finally, think tanks such as the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, the Lowy Institute, and the United States Studies Centre play a distinct role. They do not represent mass constituencies, but they shape the analytical frameworks within which policy is discussed, particularly in foreign policy and national security. Their influence lies in framing, expertise, and elite networks rather than direct political mobilisation.

Against this broader landscape, the claim that “Jewish or Zionist interests control or infiltrate many of these groups” does not withstand scrutiny. To sustain such a claim would require evidence of coordinated, cross-sector control—shared command structures, dominant funding pipelines, or consistent policy alignment traceable to a central directive. No such evidence exists.

What does exist is something far more prosaic: Australians of Jewish background, like Australians of every background, participate across public life. Some hold senior roles in business, academia, media, and government. Their views are not uniform. Some are strongly supportive of Israel; others are critical; many occupy positions in between. That diversity alone makes the idea of a single, coherent “Zionist interest” directing multiple sectors implausible.

Moreover, the organisations themselves behave exactly as their mandates would predict. Industry groups advocate for industry; unions for workers; environmental organisations for climate action; welfare bodies for social support. Their positions frequently conflict – not only with each other, but also with the policies of Israel, the United States, and indeed with the views of different Jewish organisations. If there were hidden coordination, one would expect consistency. What we observe instead is disagreement, fragmentation, and issue-specific alignment.

It is also important to recognise a recurring pattern in such claims. Assertions of diffuse, concealed Jewish influence have historically relied on association, inference, and aggregation—not on demonstrable mechanisms of control. By the normal standards of evidence applied to any other claim of political power, they fall short.

This returns us to the initial concern. There is clear, concrete evidence that Jewish and pro-Israel organisations—like many other advocacy groups – engage in lobbying, public debate, and policy advocacy in Australia. There is also clear evidence that they do so openly, within democratic norms, and on a scale generally smaller than that of major economic or industrial actors. What is not supported by credible evidence is the claim that they exercise covert, disproportionate, or controlling influence over Australian government or society.

The more accurate picture is not one of hidden command, but of a system in which many organised interests compete to persuade, and where outcomes reflect the shifting balance between them.

Richard Flanagan’s dangerous idea is just a chilling form of denial

Greg Craven, The Australian, September

At the Festival of Dangerous Ideas, Richard Flanagan asked where the antisemitism was in the Bondi massacre and answered: “Nowhere. Nowhere. Nowhere”. Pictures: News Corp/Supplied

At the Festival of Dangerous Ideas, Richard Flanagan asked where the antisemitism was in the Bondi massacre and answered: “Nowhere. Nowhere. Nowhere”. Pictures: News Corp/Supplied

It’s always a good opening to a column to write that the only thing needed for evil to triumph over good is that good men stay silent. But this nostrum is not entirely true. The added element is that supposedly good people cannot recognise evil when they see it – or misattribute it to the wrong source or spend so much time denying it they end up with an apologia.

The longwinded speech by novelist Richard Flanagan at the Festival of Dangerous Ideas last month, flicking aside the reality of antisemitism, falls into all these categories. When it comes to identifying evil, here is a bloke who could not pick Satan out of a line-up of nuns.

Flanagan’s position seems to be that antisemitism in Australia is all the fault of “the Israel lobby”, a loathsome gang he never satisfactorily defines but you have a horrible feeling includes every Australian Jew – and probably non-Jew – who dares disagree with Flanagan on the October 7 attack, the Bondi Beach massacre and the war in Gaza.

His elaborated thesis is that the Bondi murders were not fundamentally antisemitic but were incited by provocative acts and misrepresentations by – you guessed it – the “Israel lobby”. What’s more, if things get any worse it will be all its fault as well.

A menorah is lit as people participate in a candlelight vigil at Bondi Pavilion. Picture: Getty Images

A menorah is lit as people participate in a candlelight vigil at Bondi Pavilion. Picture: Getty Images

Two general things stand out about Flanagan’s rant. First, it illustrates there is no correlation between creative talent, whether writing, acting or tap dancing, and intelligence. Flanagan is a passable author, but as a cultural analyst he ranks well below most rugby league commentators. Second, as an exercise in bad schoolboy debating, Flanagan has the lot. In his speech he packs in denial, deflection, blame-shifting, abuse, threats, distraction, conspiracy and obfuscation. Where was he when I needed him in grade 4?

This is not his first foray into mangled prose. His famously garbled Gould’s Book of Fish was reviewed by my brother Peter as comprising “multiple verbal collisions” and “massive lapses of narrative judgment”. I’m with you, brother.

Flanagan’s central and most bizarre claim is there actually was no antisemitism present at Bondi, other than the two shooters themselves. He seems incapable of comprehending that those monsters fired their guns from within a wider capsule of social antisemitism that walked alongside them. The shooters did not produce antisemitism. It produced them.

But let us indulge the Fish Man just for a moment. His analysis is the best let out for any war criminal so far detected. So as long as you were not the man pouring the Zyklon B into the gas chamber, you’re off scot-free. The person who hands you the canister, the man who orders it, the man who makes it and the man who thought up the idea in the first place are neither antisemitic nor murderers. They are just bystanders to the guilty physical act of another.

In the same way, vicious antisemites abusing Jews in the streets, chanting infamy and intimidation, and forcing Jewish schools to be secured by armed guards are not an actively authorising environment but merely a realistic human context.

If you tried to apply this analysis to the persecution of any other minority group in Australia, whether Indigenous people or indeed our Muslim brothers and sisters, you rightly would be run out of town on a very sharp rail.

Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism Jillian Segal appears at Parliament House in Canberra. Picture: Martin Ollman

Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism Jillian Segal appears at Parliament House in Canberra. Picture: Martin Ollman

The constant references to the “Israel lobby” are less illogical than chilling. One of the oldest stereotypes of Jewish history, the existence of some shadowy, all-powerful Jewish conspiracy, is wheeled out one more time.

Of course, Flanagan does accept that these insidious Jewish types are supported by an array of malicious non-Jewish Australians. It is unclear why they have joined the plot. Money, probably.

This is where it all gets rather more sinister. Flanagan makes repeated references not only to antisemitism being the result of the insidious actions of the “Israel lobby” itself but hints pretty broadly that future horrors also will be self-inflicted.

He seems to have a particular terror of special envoy to combat antisemitism Jillian Segal. Apparently she plans a McCarthyistic takeover of the Australian nation-state. Good luck to her.

In fairness to Flanagan’s positions, they may not be positively antisemitic. Instead, they may represent a different form of Jewish dismissal. This is asemitism.

Asemitism does not involve hating Jews, it just involves never being able to see them in any debate or controversy. So, there’s no antisemitism here because it’s not about the Jews. I’m not antisemitic, I just hate all Zionists and the state of Israel. These protests aren’t threatening anyone, they’re just healthy instances of freedom of assembly.

As Basil Fawlty might have put it: “Don’t mention the Jews.”

Greg Craven is former vice-chancellor of the Australian Catholic University.

Source: The Australian. Full Article at theaustralian.com.au.

Why Richard Flanagan is in denial on the true sources of Jew hate

Nick Dyrenfurth, The Australian, 31 August 2026

 

Author Richard Flanagan speaks at No Stadium Rally in Hobart. Picture: Nikki Davis-Jones

Author Richard Flanagan at No Stadium Rally in Hobart. Picture: Nikki Davis-Jones

I am a writer. Public writing is an inherently narcissistic business. You presume your thoughts deserve other people’s attention. Writers overreach. I have done it myself and no doubt will again. But there is overreach, and then there is Richard Flanagan.

Not long ago I stood in synagogue saying Kaddish for my late grandmother. Kaddish is called the Jewish prayer for the dead, though it says almost nothing about death. It is about life, God and continuity. Like so much of Judaism, it is an act of memory. Zachor – remember.

The command runs through Jewish civilisation. We remember slavery in Egypt, Jerusalem, persecution, liberation, catastrophe and survival. Jewish tradition is scaffolded by memory.

That is why much of the Australian left does not understand what happened to Jewish Australians since October 7, 2023. They imagine war ends, the marches will shrink, social media will move on, old alliances will re-form and everyone will forget what was said and done. Left-wing Jews like me will not.

The Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion has finished its public hearings. But where was the accountability for those who celebrated October 7, romanticised slaughter as “resistance”, doxxed Jews, reduced Jewish grief to propaganda or revived ancient ideas about Jewish money and conspiratorial power with “Zionist” substituted for “Jew”?

Criticism of Israel is not antisemitism. Zionism itself has been an argument among Jews since its birth. But something remarkable has happened to the word. In sections of the left, Zionist has mutated into a receptacle for old fantasies about Jews: greedy Zionists, bloodthirsty Zionists, media-controlling Zionists. Change the noun and the grammar is ancient.

The Soviets did not invent Zionism or Zionist but after 1967 Soviet propaganda helped perfect their use as a proxy for Jew. Secret power, divided loyalty, financial influence and conspiracy were repackaged. The Jew became the Zionist; the conspiracy remained.

Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism Jillian Segal, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Special Envoy to Combat Islamophobia Aftab Malik. Artwork: Frank Ling

Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism Jillian Segal, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Special Envoy to Combat Islamophobia Aftab Malik. Artwork: Frank Ling

At the Festival of Dangerous Ideas, Flanagan asked where the antisemitism was in the Bondi massacre and answered: “Nowhere. Nowhere. Nowhere.” He argued instead that an “Israel lobby” politicised the massacre and asked whether that lobby might be fuelling antisemitism.

Think about that. Jews are massacred at a Jewish festival and an acclaimed Australian writer peers into the wreckage, concludes antisemitism is absent, then turns his suspicion back on organised Jewish Australians. Flanagan distinguishes the “Israel lobby” from Jews, then attributes to it extraordinary power over government, universities, broadcasters, schools and public debate.

Antisemitism survives because it adapts to the moral vocabulary of each age.

The same alarm sounds in a recent piece published by The Shot. Dave Milner describes an “Epstein class” comprising “vampiric corporations, techno-fascists, militarists, Zionists” and American imperial power. Elsewhere he writes of Labor being “beholden to the Zionist lobby”, called for “Zionist plants” to be expelled from trade unions and described government as acting for a “cadre of genocidal pedophiles”.

Epstein. Zionists. Pedophiles. Secret influence. A corrupt ruling class controlling governments and institutions. At what point does a supposedly progressive publication hear the historical alarm screaming? Jeffrey Epstein was a real criminal. Turning “Epstein” into a metaphysical category of global power and placing “Zionists” inside it is something else.

You do not need the Protocols open on your desk for the architecture of an ancient conspiracy theory to become recognisable. For Jews of the left, Jews like me, the betrayal is profound.

We were not tourists in left politics asking for indulgence. Jews helped build trade unions, labour parties, civil rights campaigns and anti-racist movements.

Many of us spent our lives insisting minorities should be listened to when they describe hatred directed at them.

Jews as politically diverse as Mark Leibler and Henry Pinskier backed the voice to the hilt precisely because they believed Indigenous Australians should be heard when describing their own experience of dispossession and prejudice. That instinct was treated as a basic principle of anti-racism. Yet when Australian Jews asked for the same courtesy, parts of the left decided lived experience required ideological clearance.

A menorah is lit as people participate in a candlelight vigil at Bondi Pavilion at Bondi Beach. Picture: Audrey Richardson / Getty Images

A menorah is lit as people participate in a candlelight vigil at Bondi Pavilion at Bondi Beach. Picture: Audrey Richardson / Getty Images

Jewish fear was “weaponised”. Jewish grief was “politicised”. Jewish institutions became suspect. Jews were expected to denounce Israel before their experience of antisemitism could be admitted into evidence.

Solidarity that operates only for minorities whose politics you approve of is not solidarity. The answer is not censorship. It is argument, daylight and accountability. Ask people what they meant. Make movements defend their rhetoric. Stop allowing Palestine to function as an intellectual indemnity against ordinary standards of decency.

The left once knew hatred matters before it becomes violence, language prepared the ground for dehumanisation and minorities do not have to earn the right to be afraid. Jews know something else: hatred mutates, and memory helps us recognise the mutation.

Recently I was at a public Jewish festival with my seven-year-old daughter. She noticed the security men at the festival’s entrance, then their guns. “Why do they have guns?”

There are questions you expect from a seven-year-old at a festival. Can I have something to eat? Can we go on that ride? Not that. I gave her the answer a seven-year-old could understand. One day she will be old enough for the longer answer.

And when that day comes, I will remember standing in synagogue saying Kaddish for my grandmother. I will remember these years. I will remember who stood beside us, who remained silent, who explained it away – and who, even after Jews were murdered on an Australian beach, somehow managed to make the Jews answer for antisemitism.

Nick Dyrenfurth is executive director of the John Curtin Research

Source: The Australian. Full Article at theaustralian.com.au. For corporate sharing, find licensing options at the end of the article.

 

Richard Flanagan’s dangerous ideas were intellectually lazy

Henry Ergas, The Australian, 11 September 2026
At the Festival of Dangerous Ideas, Richard Flanagan asked where the antisemitism was in the Bondi massacre and answered:

At the Festival of Dangerous Ideas, Flanagan asked where the antisemitism was in the Bondi massacre. He answered: “Nowhere. Nowhere. Nowhere.”: News Corp / Supplied

Richard Flanagan’s speech at the Festival of Dangerous Ideas has one merit and one merit only: it crystallises the falsehoods, delusions and hypocrisy at the heart of the wave of hatred that has swept Australia since October 7, 2023.

Listening to the litany of factual errors, it is hard to know whether Flanagan is stupid, ignorant or both. He claims, for example, that Einstein was ardently opposed to Zionism. Yet Einstein famously called Israel “our state” – “unser staat”, a possessive stronger in German than any English can convey – bequeathed his papers to the Hebrew University and was working, when he died, on an address celebrating Israel’s seventh Independence Day.

Flanagan equally presents the Bund – a Jewish socialist movement – as implacably hostile to the state of Israel, conveniently ignoring that in 1955, as the reality of the Holocaust and of Stalinist antisemitism sank it, the Bund’s Third World Conference clamorously reversed its position.

But the factual errors are not mere intellectual sloppiness: they contribute to demonising Israel and the Australian Jews who support its right to exist, in some cases by ignoring reality in others by not providing crucial context.

To take just one instance, Flanagan recycles the Committee to Protect Journalists’ contention that “more journalists have been killed in Gaza by the IDF than in the entirety of World War Two”. What he omits is that the comparison applies a far looser definition of “journalist” to Gaza than to World War Two.

Worse, as the scholarly source underlying the wartime tally acknowledges, it excludes journalists killed on the Soviet and Chinese fronts, where 80 per cent of combat fatalities occurred, as well as journalists reporting from the Axis forces. Making those adjustments shows the claim to be utterly baseless – a fact Flanagan either knew or should have known.

All that, however, merely prepares the ground for “exposing” a conspiracy of monstrous scope and ambition. There is, in Flanagan’s telling, an ominously amorphous “Israel lobby”, operating both directly and through the Special Envoy for Antisemitism, Jillian Segal. Aided by “sustained” yet “mysterious” pressure from the Trump administration, its aim is to control “every significant arena of Australian public life”.

The “lobby’s” not-so-secret weapon is the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s definition of antisemitism, which it wants enforced by “oversight committees” designed to “cower civil society and curb free speech”, leaving “Australians silenced, fearful and divided”. The restrictions those committees impose are “certain to be (on) terms that please Israel, a foreign nation”, so that this country would be controlled not by “the Australian state, but essentially the Israeli state”. Australians would become vassals of a foreign power, denied even the freedom to criticise their overlords.

Faced with those claims, one is irresistibly reminded of Richard Hofstadter’s classic 1964 essay on the paranoid style in American politics. Unlike clinical paranoids, the conspiracists Hofstadter focused on did not see themselves as singled out by a hostile world. Rather, they perceived, lurking behind every event, the sinister hand of a demonic force directed “against a nation, a culture, a way of life”.

Hofstadter called this style paranoid, he explained, “because no other word adequately evokes its qualities of heated exaggeration, suspiciousness, and conspiratorial fantasy”. And its archetypal expression is the malevolent fiction of a Jewish cabal plotting to bring the world to heel.

Little wonder then that direct references to “the Lobby’s” machinations account for almost a third of the words Flanagan utters. Yet what is most telling is not what Flanagan says but what he leaves unsaid. In a speech devoted to Gaza, Israel is mentioned 60 times; Hamas once. Jews are mentioned 43 times; Islam and Muslims, never.

The distortions that bias creates are glaring. Demonstrating that abject ignorance cannot dent his outrage, Flanagan foolishly claims that Zionism, whose intellectual origins owe incomparably more to Mazzini’s liberal nationalism and Moses Hess’s romantic socialism than to Fichte’s chauvinistic illiberalism, “arose out of the same fetid, ethno-nationalist ferment” that “gave the world Nazism, fascism, extreme nationalism and authoritarianism”. What he does not say is that this ferment, which left no discernible imprint on Zionism, shaped post-war Arab nationalism and modern Islamism, reinforced by fascism and Nazi ideology’s vitriolic antisemitism.

Equally, he endlessly excoriates the “Israel lobby”. Yet he never mentions the lavishly taxpayer-funded Muslim lobby, with its own special envoy, which has coalesced a wide range of Islamic and pro-Palestinian organisations in submissions to public inquiries, including the royal commission, urging, among other things, for the terrorism legislation to be weakened.

And while denouncing the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition in vitriolic terms, Flanagan passes over the far more sweeping restrictions on what they call Islamophobia proposed by those organisations and by the Islamophobia Special Envoy: restrictions advanced without even the sketchiest definition of the “Islamophobia” they seek to repress.

The double standard then reaches its nadir in his suggestion that the representative bodies of Australian Jewry benefit from inciting hatred against the very people they represent – a charge he would never level at their Muslim counterparts.

To describe those assertions as outrageous would be an understatement; and Flanagan is plainly aware of their enormity. He therefore moves to pre-empt criticism by adopting the manoeuvre notoriously associated with former London mayor Ken Livingstone, who dismissed every charge of antisemitism as an attempt to silence legitimate criticism of Israel.

The goal is simple: to avoid addressing the substance of the charge by impugning the accuser’s supposed motives. Critics are presumed to be acting in bad faith, fabricating persecution to advance their political ends. Hatred is thus rebaptised as legitimate criticism, while those who object become accomplices in a secret campaign to stifle debate.

With every attempt to expose antisemitism is therefore just further proof of Jewish deceit, allowing the Jews to be accused of inventing the antisemitism that now mars our national life.

But Flanagan’s evasive tactics do not end there. Aping the techniques that saturate social media, he repeatedly poses as merely asking questions. The rhetorical approach is puerile: “A question needs to be asked,” Flanagan declares, casting himself as prepared to ask what others dare not. Then the inflammatory allegations are smuggled in: “To what extent has the Israel lobby itself contributed to antisemitism in Australia”, because it would, “perhaps perversely”, “accord with their existential message that only in Israel are Jews safe”? The insinuation is left hanging, as though the answer were self-evident, allowing Flanagan to don the mantle of truth-telling without ever shouldering the burden of proof it entails.

Every one of those claims and tactics could and should have been ruthlessly demolished on the day. Yet the so-called Festival of Dangerous Ideas evidently considered that prospect too dangerous to countenance. Its lineup featured Israel haters, but it included absolutely no one who would take them on.

The imbalance is, unfortunately, completely unremarkable: it is now a deeply ingrained feature of this country’s increasingly mediocre cultural life. But that only makes it even more important that those who purport to care about the truth should restore the balance that has been destroyed.

It is therefore much worse than scandalous that the festival was sponsored by the Ethics Centre and the NSW state government. It is an unforgivable disgrace.

A historian talks about Palestine’s deep history

History is rarely as tidy as the stories we tell about it. Places acquire names long before they acquire nations; peoples inherit memories they did not themselves create; languages, religions and identities change without ever quite erasing what came before. Palestine may be one of the world’s most conspicuous examples of this historical palimpsest, a place where ancient geography, successive civilisations and modern national identities have become so entangled that disentangling them can itself seem political.

That is partly why I have always valued William Dalrymple. He is a historian who understands that the past is inhabited by people, not merely populated by dates and events. His recent conversation about Palestine prompted me to revisit not only what he said, but what he left unsaid: the complicated process by which a population became a people, a geographical name acquired a modern national meaning, and history became memory – and memory, in turn, became identity.

It also led me back to a broader fascination of mine: the relationship between history, travel and place, and to writers who understand that landscapes are not backdrops to history but repositories of it.

The featured image at the head of this post? When last In Ramallah, de facto administrative “capital” of that part of the West Bank governed  by the  Palestinian Authority – Area A of the Oslo dispensation – we visited the cultural centre of Dar Zahran, a beautifully restored Ottoman house just south of the city. By fortunate serendipity, Dar Zahran was hosting a small exhibition of paintings by the late Palestinian artist Ismail Shammout. This large painting pictures the skyline of Jerusalem – Al Quds with its mosques and churches and the infinite variety of the Palestinian people, was front and centre. [In In That Howling Infinite, see Visualizing the Palestinian Return – the art of Ismail Shammout]

Talking about Palestine and Palestinians

There are some historians whose books I buy almost automatically. British historian William Dalrymple is one of them. I have read many of his works over the years, from his debut, In Xanadu, through From the Holy Mountain, The Last Mughal, Return of a King and The Anarchy (see, in In That Howling Infinite, Bad company – how Britain conquered India, the story of the rise and fall of the notoriously rapacious British East India Company).

Dalrymple is well-educated, well-read, and well-travelled, having had his boots on the ground and its dust on those boots. He is what we call a “popular” historian and not an academic in the narrow sense, writing with enthusiasm, empathy, and the authority of someone who has visited the places he describes. And, to borrow from Bob Dylan, he knows his song well before he starts singing. His aim, refreshingly, is to educate, not to inculcate.

What has always appealed to me is not simply the depth of his scholarship but his refusal to become anyone’s court historian. His admirers come from different directions, and his critics do too. The old Empire loyalists dislike him because he writes unflinchingly about the violence and arrogance of imperialism. Progressives often embrace him for precisely that reason, yet they, too, sometimes seem disappointed when he refuses to enlist in their causes. Dalrymple has always struck me as someone who hoes his own row. He follows the evidence where it leads rather than where his audience might wish it to go.

That quality was on full display in his recent interview with Palestinian journalist and British resident Ahmed Alnaouq on the chat show Palestine Deep Dive, discussing his forthcoming, and as yet unfinished, book on the Palestinians. I encourage reader to take the time to watch the video below before reading the detailed appraisal that follows; but the time poor may nevertheless find it of interest.

To anyone familiar with the history of the region, little of the story itself is unfamiliar. Nor, contrary to some popular assumptions, has this history been ignored by Israeli historians. Ilan Pappé’s A History of Modern Palestine remains one of the best examples of a history that restores Palestinians to the centre of their own story, particularly those who rarely appear in conventional political histories: the villagers who cultivated the land, often on estates owned by absentee urban families or tribal elites who harvested much of the wealth.

That, perhaps, is the real significance of Dalrymple’s project. It belongs not simply to Middle Eastern history but to the much broader revolution that historians call social history. For centuries history was largely the story of rulers, wars, dynasties and diplomacy. Ordinary people appeared only fleetingly. Their lives belonged, if anywhere, to anthropology or sociology. Only relatively recently have historians begun asking what history looked like from the fields rather than the palaces.

Yet there is another trap which Dalrymple carefully avoids.

It has become fashionable to speak of the inhabitants of Palestine as though they constituted an unchanged people stretching seamlessly from biblical times until today. That is no more convincing than similar claims made by almost any nation.

Palestine has always been one of the great crossroads of civilisation. Long before the Philistines and the Hebrews there were other peoples. Afterwards came Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, Romans, Arabs, Crusaders, Mamluks, Ottomans and countless others, accompanied not merely by armies but by settlers, merchants, pilgrims, labourers and refugees. Even in the late Ottoman and British Mandate periods, economic opportunity attracted migrants from throughout the Levant. The Suez Canal, the expansion of Haifa, the Hauran railway, and later British infrastructure projects all drew workers from neighbouring lands. Family names such as al-Misri, al-Shami, Homsi and Halabi quietly preserve those journeys.

And yet Dalrymple is equally correct when he points to the growing body of genetic evidence demonstrating profound continuities across the centuries. Human populations do not simply replace one another like changing tenants. They absorb, intermingle and endure. DNA reveals not racial purity but remarkable persistence.

One aspect of the interview that particularly caught my attention was Dalrymple’s discussion of religion – not as an immutable badge of identity but as another thread in the long weaving of Palestinian society. Conversion, he observed, was rarely a single dramatic event. More often it was gradual, pragmatic and deeply human. Families embraced Christianity under Byzantine rule, Islam under the Caliphates and the Ottomans, sometimes from conviction, sometimes because new rulers brought new opportunities, and often because children simply inherited the world into which they were born. Nor was the movement one way. Jews became Christians; Christians became Muslims; communities adapted over centuries rather than changing overnight.

Language followed much the same path. Arabic became not merely the language of religion but of administration, commerce, literature and everyday life. It gradually supplanted earlier tongues without erasing the peoples who spoke them. Identity, like language itself, accumulated layer upon layer.

His brief reference to Yossef Rapoport’s Becoming Arab particularly caught my attention because I suspect it offers an important clue to the intellectual architecture of the book he is writing Rapoport’s central thesis is that peoples are not born fully formed; they become. It exercised a profound influence on my own essay One Land, Two Peoples: History, Memory, Continuity, and Inheritance. See also, Becoming Arab … the myth of fingerprints

There is a quiet subversiveness in Becoming Arab because it quietly removes the ladder that every competing nationalism insists upon climbing. By demonstrating that Arab identity in medieval Palestine emerged through a long process of linguistic, cultural and social transformation rather than existing unchanged since antiquity, Rapoport undermines the comforting assumption that any modern national identity is primordial and immutable. The implication extends well beyond Palestinians. Jews, too, have continually reinvented themselves through exile, diaspora, return and statehood. Israelis and Palestinians alike remain peoples in the making.

Belonging, then, rests less upon ancient blood than upon lived continuity, accumulated memory and attachment to place. Rapoport gently redirects us away from the sterile question, “Who was here first?”, towards the infinitely richer question, “How do people come to belong?” It is an insight I have found equally illuminating when thinking about the British, the Americans, and even the tangled histories of Russians and Ukrainians. It also underpins what I have elsewhere called the “myth of fingerprints”: the mistaken belief that nations possess fixed and immutable identities when, in truth, every people is a palimpsest, written and rewritten over centuries without ever completely erasing what came before.

Dalrymple also highlighted the remarkable role of churches and monasteries across successive eras – Byzantine, Arab, Ottoman and British. They were far more than places of worship. They were centres of learning, repositories of manuscripts, guardians of memory and, eventually, pioneers of modern education. During the Mandate years, Christian schools became among the first institutions to embrace European models of education. It is therefore hardly surprising that Christian Arabs were disproportionately represented among the intellectual architects of both Arab nationalism and the emerging Palestinian national movement. This, too, complicates the modern tendency to reduce the story to a simple contest between Jews and Muslims. The reality, as always, is richer and more textured.

Dalrymple’s passing reference to George Antonius was equally telling. Antonius remains one of the most poignant figures of the Mandate years. Urbane, multilingual and deeply cultivated, he believed there remained a path towards accommodation between Arab and Jewish aspirations. Alongside moderates such as Musa Alami, he searched for political middle ground as extremism steadily crowded out compromise. Increasingly isolated, distrusted by radicals on both sides and ultimately ignored by the great powers, he watched the possibility of reconciliation slip away. He died in Jerusalem in 1942, disappointed and politically alone. There is something profoundly melancholy about his story. Men such as Antonius devoted their lives to preventing the catastrophe that would later be remembered as the Nakba. History tends to remember the militants, the revolutionaries and the generals; it is far less generous to the moderates who failed. Yet, with the benefit of hindsight, it is often those failed moderates who seem to have understood the coming tragedy most clearly. [See The first Intifada … Palestine 1936]

There is, however, a significant historical link missing from Dalrymple’s account.

To speak of Palestinians as a people with a distinctive heritage, history and culture is entirely legitimate, but it also raises the prior question of when and how that collective identity emerged. The people we now call Palestinians did not arrive in Palestine as a discrete nation from elsewhere; they emerged over centuries from the settled populations of the region, predominantly Arabic-speaking Muslims and Christians alongside smaller Jewish and other communities, whose identities under Ottoman rule were more likely to be local, familial, religious, Ottoman or broadly Arab than specifically Palestinian. A modern Palestinian national consciousness crystallised only in the late nineteenth and, more decisively, the first half of the twentieth century, amid the decline of the Ottoman Empire, the rise of Arab nationalism, British rule, Zionist immigration and the intensifying struggle over the land.

Nor should “Palestine” itself be confused with a Palestinian nation: the name is far older, deriving ultimately from Greek and Roman Palaestina and subsequently used in various forms by Roman, Byzantine, Islamic and European writers; under the Ottomans, the territory was not a sovereign province or nation-state called Palestine but was divided among administrative districts. None of this makes Palestinian identity artificial. Like most modern national identities, it is both modern and genuine, rooted in an older population and a deeply layered attachment to place.

Perhaps Dalrymple simply takes this history as read. More likely, it is unmentioned because the interviewer did not ask about it. He does write about it in a piece published in The Guardian in August 2025 (republished below). But his readers and particularly an audience hearing a relatively compressed interview – may not. When the process by which a people acquired a modern national identity is left unstated, audiences tend to fill the gap with their own assumptions: some hearing an ancient, continuous Palestinian nation, others an identity recently invented from nothing. Both are historical distortions. The point is not to diminish Palestinian peoplehood but to locate it accurately: between the much older history of the land and the modern political history that transformed its inhabitants into distinct national communities.

As with Israeli identity, Palestinian identity belongs to the modern age while drawing upon memories, attachments, communities and histories that are considerably older. That distinction is essential if the Palestinian story is to be understood rather than simply enlisted in one of the competing narratives of the conflict.

It was telling that, despite repeated invitations from his interviewer, Dalrymple steadfastly refused to enter the contemporary ideological battlefield. He would not be drawn into pronouncements about settler colonialism, the legitimacy of Israel or competing national claims. He remained a historian.

Dalrymple displayed the same intellectual discipline when discussion turned towards the future. His interviewer clearly hoped he would venture predictions. He declined. Historians, he observed, can tell us what happened; they are far less qualified to say what will happen. The future delights in making fools of prophets.

Anthony Eden supposedly reduced politics to three words: “Events, dear boy, events.” Orwell supplied the darker warning through the Ministry of Truth: “Who controls the past controls the future. Who controls the present controls the past.” That remains one of the great cautions against allowing history to become merely another instrument of political mobilisation. Less bleakly, Robert Fisk – another writer I greatly admired – offered the wisest answer of all: “My crystal ball is broken.” Those who confidently predict the future almost invariably discover that history has other ideas. [See The Night of Power – Robert Fisk’s bitter epilogue ]

One curiosity remained with me after the interview. Dalrymple remarked upon young Israeli soldiers carrying rifles almost everywhere, yet the obvious question went unexplored: why? I have wondered about this myself ever since my first visit to Israel. I can still picture my late friend Avi’s rifle standing against the hallway wall in his parents’ home in Ramat Gan after he returned from reserve duty during the 1973 war. On my most recent visit I asked Israelis directly. Unless a weapon can be securely stored, soldiers are required to keep it with them. Our friend Shmuel’s son, serving as an army medic, once absent-mindedly left his rifle on a military bus after an exhausting exercise. His reward was several weeks in military prison. What appears to outsiders as a symbol of militarisation is, to many Israelis, simply one more expression of a society shaped by permanent insecurity.

Dalrymple also refers to the annual Jerusalem Day march, an event that commemorates the IDF’s capture of the Old City in June 1967 and the “unification” of the city. We happened to witness similar scenes ourselves near the Western Wall only days beforehand. They were ugly, confronting and impossible to dismiss as merely social media caricature.

I look forward to reading the finished book. Not because I expect it to settle the argument—history almost never does—but because the best historians enlarge rather than narrow our understanding. They remind us that identities are not fossils buried in the earth waiting to be excavated, but living things, fashioned over centuries by conquest and coexistence, faith and language, migration and memory. They leave us with fewer slogans and more questions; fewer certainties and greater humility. In an age increasingly addicted to binaries, that may be the most subversive act of all.

Travelers’  tales

There is a thread that runs through much of my writing, though I did not always recognise it at the time. It is a thread woven from history, travel, memory and place, and it connects figures as seemingly disparate as Jan Morris, Robert Fisk and William Dalrymple. They are very different writers, with different perspectives and different temperaments, but they share a quality that I have always valued: they do not simply describe places; they allow places to speak.

During my early encounters with the history and culture of the Middle East at London’s School of Oriental and African Studies – the “Madrasat al-Jawāsīs”, the “School of Spies”, as Arab friends would jokingly call it – I became fascinated by a trio of British writers whose books transported me into the worlds they described.described. Gertrude Bell, Freya Stark and Jan Morris each approached the region differently, yet all possessed that rare ability to convey not merely information but atmosphere: the smells of markets, the rhythms of streets, the weight of history embedded in landscapes.

Jan Morris was perhaps the greatest exponent of this art. Her genius was not merely as a chronicler of empire, nor simply as a travel writer, but as someone who understood that places possess personalities. She once wrote, “All my life I have felt in places, in landscapes as in cities, an allure that seems to me actually sexual, purer but no less exciting than the sexuality of the body.” It is a remarkable observation because it captures something that many travellers experience but few can articulate: that certain landscapes exert a pull beyond geography, that cities and countries can possess a kind of emotional and even sensual presence.

Bell, the archaeologist, traveller and administrator sometimes called the “Queen of the Desert”, was present at the creation of the modern Middle East after the First World War. Stark travelled through the region in the middle decades of the twentieth century, recording a world already beginning to disappear. James Morris, later Jan Morris, chronicled the rise and decline of British imperial confidence and the uncertain transition into a post-imperial age.

What makes Jan Morris such a fascinating figure is that her personal transformation occurred alongside the transformation of Britain itself. The end of Empire and the discovery of a new identity unfolded in parallel. The writer who chronicled the fading grandeur of British power was also undergoing a profound reimagining of self. Her Pax Britannica trilogy remains an extraordinary work, though it is also deeply complicated. Morris’s relationship with empire was neither a simple condemnation nor an uncomplicated celebration. She recognised its violence and arrogance, yet she was also fascinated by its energy, ambition and sense of adventure. Empire, in her telling, was a vast human drama: magnificent, destructive, creative and cruel.

The Suez Crisis of 1956 represented the moment when that imperial illusion finally collapsed. Morris described it as a kind of tombstone for British power and a crisis of British masculinity. The old confidence had disappeared. The imperial actor who had once imagined himself striding across the world stage was suddenly confronted with his own limitations. “Old forces were dying and new energies emerging,” she wrote. “Patterns that had seemed permanent were falling into chaos.” That insight resonates far beyond Britain. History repeatedly teaches us that identities and institutions which appear permanent are often temporary arrangements. Empires, nations and cultures are not fixed monuments but living things, constantly being reshaped by events.

This is why William Dalrymple’s work has always appealed to me. Like Morris, he understands that history is not simply about dates, battles and rulers. It is about people in places. His great strength is that he belongs to no faction. He follows the evidence, and he makes his own judgments. He resists the temptation to reduce history to contemporary political arguments. Instead, he explored the deeper processes by which societies and identities emerge.

As we have noted above, his observations intersect with Yossef Rapoport’s Becoming Arab, a work that has greatly influenced my own thinking. Rapoport challenges the assumption that national identities are ancient, fixed and immutable. Arab identity in Palestine, he argues, emerged through centuries of linguistic, cultural and social development. This does not diminish Palestinian identity; rather, it explains how all identities are formed.

The same applies elsewhere. Jewish identity has also evolved through exile, diaspora, return and statehood. British identity, American identity, Russian identity and Ukrainian identity are all products of history rather than timeless inheritances. Peoples are not fingerprints stamped permanently into existence. They are palimpsests, written and rewritten across generations, retaining traces of what came before while continually becoming something new.

This is also why Dalrymple’s observations about religion are significant. Faith, like language, is not simply inherited unchanged through the centuries. Communities converted, adapted and transformed. Jews became Christians, Christians became Muslims, and Arabic gradually became the dominant language of administration, commerce and culture. Churches and monasteries served not only as places of worship but as centres of learning and memory. During the British Mandate, as we have noted above, Christian schools were among the pioneers of modern education, and Christian Arabs played a disproportionately important role in the development of Arab nationalism and Palestinian political consciousness.

Again, the lesson is one of complexity. The history of Palestine cannot be reduced to simple categories. It is a story of migration and continuity, faith and adaptation, conflict and coexistence.

A personal coda

I make no comparison between my own experiences and those of writers such as Morris or Dalrymple, who devoted years of their lives to the places they studied. My own travels have been measured in days and weeks rather than prolonged residence, and I possess neither their linguistic gifts nor their local knowledge. Yet they have taught me some of the same lessons.

Over the years I have wandered through mosques and basilicas, monasteries and synagogues, castles and catacombs, museums and markets. I have traced the layers of history in weathered stones, walked streets that have changed little for centuries, and watched successive civilisations leave their marks upon the same landscape. Everywhere, the faces, languages and faiths have reminded me that history is one of mixture rather than purity, continuity rather than replacement. it is this extraordinary diversity that makes these lands so compelling.

Israel and Palestine affected me more deeply than almost anywhere else. I have read widely, but books can only take one so far. I have stood at checkpoints, seen the separation barrier close up and, witnessed the daily inconveniences, restrictions and humiliations that accompany life under occupation. Equally, I have spoken with Israelis and Palestinians whose lives have been shaped by generations of fear and insecurity, and come to understand, even if not always to agree with, the fears that underpin so many aspects of everyday life. By design, good fortune or simple caution, I have never witnessed the violence itself. But I have seen enough to understand that both peoples live with histories that cannot simply be dismissed.

Travel has not made me an idealist, nor has it turned me into a partisan. If anything, it has left me increasingly suspicious of certainties. The longer one spends amidst places where history is layered one civilisation upon another, the harder it becomes to accept simple stories about pure origins, immutable identities, uniquely righteous causes, and uncomplicated heroes and villains. Reality is almost always more complicated – and more human – than that.

Perhaps that is the enduring lesson of writers like Jan Morris, Robert Fisk and William Dalrymple. They remind us that landscapes have longer memories than nations, that stones often preserve truths that politics attempts to conceal, and that history is rarely a straight line. It is a conversation across centuries, written by countless hands.

In the forward to East – an Arab anthology, republished below, I wrote: “these are the lands of testament and prophecy, of sacrifice and sacrament, of seers and sages, of vision and vicissitude”. Their histories are “carved in stone, mysteries locked in stone”. And perhaps that is why they continue to draw us back: because beneath every empire, every ideology and every argument lie the enduring traces of ordinary human beings who lived, loved, fought, worshipped and dreamed in the same places we walk today.

Paul Hemphill and In That Howling Infinite, August 2026

For more on the Middle East in In That Howling Infinite see: A Middle East Miscellany and East – an Arab anthology; and, most recently: Maps, memory, and the myth of fingerprints.

Eastward, aye, he wandered

Forward to East – an Arab anthology  of poems by Paul Hemphill
In these troubled times, I look back on a part of the world that has captivated much of my intellectual life. I was drawn to the Middle East in another age, when it was the land of myth and magic, of dreamers and adventurers, of quixotic tilters at windmills, of pioneers who would make the deserts bloom, of dissemblers and deceivers bearing false promises. The ancient lands of the Bible, the fabled realm of A Thousand and One Nights, the restless quests of Richard Burton, Charles Doughty, and TE Lawrence; the pulp-fiction fantasies of Frank Herbert, James Michener, and Leon Uris; the celluloid myths of Peter O’Toole, Omar Sharif, and Paul Newman.
These are the lands of testament and prophecy, of sacrifice and sacrament, of seers and sages, of vision and vicissitude, of warriors and holy men. The spiritual and the temporal have melded here since time immemorial. We still see the remnants of ancient empires and the echoes of their faiths. We can chart their decline and fall in monuments and mausoleums, in the “tumbled towers and fallen stones, broken statues, empty tombs,” where “ghosts of commoners and kings walk the walls and catacombs of the castles and the shrines.” Histories carved in stone, mysteries locked in stone, as “canyons and castles pass ageless and ageing and captive in time.”
I first travelled through these lands when the gaze of our Western world was directed elsewhere. The big stories then were the Vietnam quagmire and the Cold War, words made flesh when Brezhnev’s Red Army euthanised the Prague Spring – much as Nikita Kruschev crushed Hungary’s short lived revolution a decade earlier. Then plucky little Israel – that’s how the world viewed the Jewish state back in the day – made its pre-emptive blitzkrieg against the braggadocio of Egypt, and the dubious martial prowess of Syria, Jordan, and Iraq, and put the Middle East back in the news again.
And there it has stayed, with hijackings, hostages, terrorism, the Oil Crisis and OPEC, civil war and invasion in Lebanon, Gulf Wars One, Two, and Three, the Twin Towers, the Wars of American Vengeance. And so to the present day, the brief Arab Spring giving way to a long and bloody Arab Winter, and the demolition of the Sykes-Picot dispensation with Daish’s redrawing of the map of the Middle East, the Abraham Accords with their promise of Arab-Israeli “normalisation” – an opaque and controversial word in this box canyon of false hopes – the fall of the Assad regime and the prospect of a revived Syria, and, in the endgame of many Israeli incursions into Hamas’ Gaza autocracy, the pogrom of October 7 and Israel’s biblical vengeance.
There is a place for dissertations on the state of the world and the tectonic movements that continue to reverberate and ricochet through these most antique of lands. And this is not one. But they have been the inspiration for much of my writing, and this volume is an anthology of those pieces. And unavoidably, they reflect and comment upon ideas and incidents, actions and accidents, memories and monuments.
I wear the weave of history like a second skin, as though each stone, each ruin, each sun-baked wadi, each vibrant soul has pressed itself into my being. As the Irish novelist John Banville wrote, “the past beats inside me like a second heart,” and in these lands, it beats with a particular resonance – ancient and immediate, mythic and human. The Middle East is not merely a subject of study or a theatre for politics; it is a history and geography I have walked through, a landscape I have viewed, a culture I have carried with me in the dust of its deserts, in the sounds and scents of its streets, in the quiet of its mosques, churches and synagogues, and its ruins.
My poems and songs have mirrored what I have carried in memory, and carry still. The cadence of markets and mosques, the call to prayer, the silence of the canyons. the desert wind, remind me that these lands live not only in history books but in lived, sung, remembered experience of all who have passed through They recall centuries of triumph and loss. The past is not distant; it rises in waves, song lines across stone and sand, linking the footsteps of pilgrims, soldiers, merchants, and wanderers with my own.
I know the Old Cities of Jerusalem and Damascus like my own neighbourhood. I’ve promenaded down the Street Called Straight and the Suq Al Hammadiyeh many times; shopped in the ancient Aleppo Souk – before it was destroyed; walked though the deserted Dead Cities of the North – which became later refuge for the homeless; climbed the Masada massif twice, once in the full heat of high summer, and again one time in predawn darkness to watch the sunrise over the Dead Sea and Moab; traveled overland through the Judean Desert to the old monastery of Mar Saba Stood; stood atop the battlements of Krak de Chevaliers; slept a ledge overlooking Petra, the Rose City and walked the Siq both ways three times; rode in a jeep through the canyons of Wadi Rum; traveled on the famous Nairn Express from Damascus to Baghdad, and an old bus through the Khyber Pass; stood by the Euphrates at Babylon, the Nile at Karnak, and the Ganges at burning ghat of Varenesi; visited Palmyra and watched the sunset atop Qala’at Fakhe al Din al Ma’ani.
All of these, now memories, carry the stories of centuries: the echo of prophets, conquerors, poets, and common folk whose lives have risen and fallen in patterns invisible yet inscribed in every wall, every minaret, every crumbling mosaic. The present weighs upon them as heavily as the past: geopolitics, ideology, oil, invasion, and resistance all leave their marks, mingling with the dust of empires long gone. Yet amid it all, the pulse of life persists—bright, stubborn, and singin – reminding me that beauty and despair coexist in ways the mind alone can scarcely contain.
These lands, as I first knew them, were the lands of story, legend, and lore; of pilgrims and explorers; of warriors and sages. And now, reading, writing and singing their echoes through books, prose and verse, I understand that memory, imagination, and presence are inseparable. One cannot approach the Middle East without the awareness that history is embodied, tactile, insistent: in the sun upon skin, the dust on boots, the voices of markets, mosques, and alleys, and in the pull of ruins that hold the ghosts of kings and commoners alike.
Writing about the Middle East, I am reminded that story, song, and memory intertwine. The poems and songs I carry are part of this landscape, as much as the stones and winds themselves, shaping how I see, feel, and reflect. Their cadence is my compass, their imagery my guide, the echoes, the pulse of lands that refuse abstraction. Here, history and the present are inseparable; the past is alive in the dust, the stone, the sun, and the song.
I wear its dust, I carry its past, I feel its presence. In prose and in song, in memory and in presence, I am tethered to these lands. And in this tethering, I find the resonance that drives the writing in this anthology: an awareness of the Middle East not as a distant object but as a living, breathing interlocutor, shaping thought, reflection, and imagination with the weight, warmth, and insistence of centuries.
Decades later, I wrote about my early travels in Tanks for the memory – how Brezhnev changed my life.It encapsulates very much how I travelled in those gone days:

“I’d like to think that perhaps it is something intrinsically part of my software – an ability to adapt, accept, empathize, and, as far as it is indeed possible for a stranger, to become one with the scenery and slip into the machinery, and, to put it bluntly, take it all at face value. As a “stranger in a strange land”, I accepted what I saw, observed, heard and learned, moved on – to quote American beat poet Lawrence Ferlinghetti – like “a mirror walking down a strange street’. For this is how I traveled in those roving years, leaving very little by way of words and pictures of my travelling. All I saw, heard, observed, felt and learned was mostly stashed away on my own, internal hard-drive to be accessed in latter years – waiting, perhaps, for the advent of social media, blogs and highly portable electronic devices”.

For more about these journeys, see Song of the Road (2) – The Accidental Traveller

One of the oldest urban centres: Gaza’s rich history in ruins

The Guardian,17 Oct 2025

In October 2025, William Dalrymple wrote this  fine piece on the long, entangled history of Gaza in The Guardian, publicizing a forthcoming multi-episode series on his excellent Empire podcast. He wrote of how the territory’s ancient heritage has too often been ignored. As we mourn incalculable human losses, learning about its past can help us better understand the present

As a ceasefire brings a measure of peace to the Dresden-like hellscape that Gaza has become, it is time to take stock of all that has been lost. The human cost of what the UN commission of inquiry recognises as a genocide is of course incalculable, but fewer are aware of how much rich history and archaeology has also been destroyed in these horrific months. This is bolstered by the widespread assumption that Gaza was little more than a huge refugee camp built on a recently settled portion of desert. That is quite wrong. In reality Gaza it is one of the oldest urban centres on the planet.

Golda Meir famously declared that “there was no such thing as Palestinians”, but the reality is very different. Palestine is actually one of humanity’s oldest toponyms, and records of a people named after it are as old as literacy itself. Palestine was an established name for the coast between Egypt and Phoenicia since at least the second millennium BCE: the ancient Egyptian texts refer to “Peleset” from about 1450BCE, Assyrians inscriptions to the “Palashtu” c800BCE, and Herodotus c480BCE to “Παλαιστίνη” (Palaistinē). This was all brought home to me as I worked, with my co-presenter Anita Anand, on a 12-part series on Gaza’s history for the Empire podcast.

Gaza was first referenced as a strategic prize in an Egyptian inscription of Thutmose III in the 15th century BCE, where it is referred to as Ghazzati. It is also one of the most fought-over and contested spaces: for more than 4,000 years this area has been an ethnically mixed crossroads, linking Africa with Asia, and the desert with the Mediterranean. It has also been a crucial strategic and economic hub: an often incredibly rich and prosperous port from which the spices, incense, perfumes and wines of western Asia were exported to Greece and Rome, the end of the caravan route from Arabia via Petra. As well as a fortress guarding the strategically crucial route leading from the eastern Mediterranean coastline to Egypt.

Travellers who visited Gaza over the centuries have often remarked on the fecundity of its vegetation and the diversity of its agriculture, both of which are the products of its underground waters and the Mediterranean climate. It is this that enabled Gaza to grow the excellent grapes that for many centuries were made into a much celebrated sweet wine, the Château d’Yquem of the classical world. An exhibition of the salvaged antiquities of Gaza currently showing at the Institut du Monde Arabe in Paris opens with a fabulous display of the distinctive “torpedo jars” in which the Gazans exported their wine. As late as the sixth century AD, these amphorae were reaching both Merovingian France and Anglo-Saxon England.

Each successive power in the Middle East has always wanted to own Gaza, and to conquer it, and over the centuries we hear of a succession of empires – first the Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, Greeks and Romans, and later the Umayyads, Mamluks, Turks and the British – coming through and fighting to seize it. More difficult to see in the chronicles of conquests and sieges are the locals who have always lived hereabouts, century after century, whose faith has slowly evolved from paganism to all three of the Abrahamic faiths, and whose dominant language has moved from Aramaic to Greek then from Greek to Arabic.

Archaeology shows that the DNA of the different peoples who lived here has remained fairly consistent throughout the centuries: the modern inhabitants of this land, both Jewish and Palestinian, share much the same mix of DNA groups as the peoples who lived here in the bronze age, and whose skeletons have been tested in contemporary labs. The small Samaritan and Palestinian Christian minorities, the latter descendants of the first Christians, exhibit genetic patterns that are especially close to those extracted from ancient skeletons.

Although the town remained a robust centre of paganism long after many other cities in the region, its beachfront was also the home to the earliest monasteries of Palestine, as followers of St Antony of Egypt migrated there bringing the monastic movement to the Levant; soon “the desert became a city” as monasteries sprang up across the region. In 406 the Empress Eudoxia provided the funds for a cathedral for Gaza, and by the end of the sixth century, the celebrated church of St Sergius was built.

The Arab conquest used to be considered a major turning point in the region’s history, but according to many historians and archaeologists who specialise in this period, the conquest is almost invisible archaeologically. Surviving documents from the period indicate that for many years after, Gaza continued as an administrative centre of the region, and Greek-speaking Christians continued to run the bureaucracy. The son and grandson of two of the early chancellors of the Ummayad Caliphs, St John of Damascus, ended his life in the monastery of Mar Saba not very far from Gaza in the Judean desert. In time, the inhabitants of Palestine accepted the language, government and religion of their new masters; but it was a gradual process of transition, over many centuries, not a sudden catastrophic end of civilisation. The Arab conquerors were a small military elite; the local people remained much the same.

The site of Saint Hilarion monastery, Deir al-Balah, June 8, 2022. Mahmud Hams/AFP/Getty 

Gaza continued to flourish through the Crusader period, when it was given over to the Knights Templar to guard the frontier with Egypt; and even more so after the Mamluks expelled the Crusaders and filled Gaza with fine mosques and caravanserais. During the Ottoman period, Jaffa and Acre took over from Gaza as the most prosperous ports of the region, out of which Galilee cotton and Jaffa oranges were exported; but Gaza remained an important regional centre.

Though Gaza now dominates news bulletins for the worst reasons, it is a place about which we have traditionally learned remarkably little; we are not taught its story in movies or TV documentaries, let alone as part of formal education. Yet it is something we obviously badly need to know in order to grasp current events.

This month sees the publication of several new books addressing that absence. As well as the catalogue of the brilliant Paris exhibition, Trésors sauvés de Gaza: 5,000 ans d’histoire (Saved Treasures of Gaza: 5,000 Years of History) historian Anne Irfan has just produced an excellent primer, A Short History of the Gaza Strip, while Jean-Pierre Filiu has published a supplement to his wonderful Gaza: A History, called A Historian in Gaza. In it, he writes: “The Gaza I knew, and whose length and breadth I’ve travelled, has ceased to exist.” All three count as essential reading for those hungry to know more about this ancient territory so as to better understand the current, desperate chapter in its history.

A Short History of the Gaza Strip by Anne Irfan (Simon & Schuster, £18.99). To support the Guardian, order your copy at guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply.

A Historian in Gaza by Jean-Pierre Filiu (C Hurst & Co Publishers, £16.99). To support the Guardian, order your copy at guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply.

 

Becoming Arab … the myth of fingerprints

He says, “There’s no doubt about it
It was the myth of fingerprints
I’ve seen them all and, man,
They’re all the same.
Paul Simon, All Around The World

Remembering, Belonging, and Historical Truth

For a while now in a cerebral studio half-library, half-workshop, I have been circling the same issue from different angles: how nations remember themselves, how identities cohere, how nations tell stories about their origins and how these stories harden into truth or disappear. Each conversation, each foray into history or into the quarrelsome present, returns us to the same quiet, unanswerable question: what, exactly, are we remembering when we claim to remember a nation? And who, precisely, is this “we” that history keeps ventriloquising?

Somewhere along the way, perhaps when we were contemplating narratives of migrations, invasions and conquests, tracing the afterimages of settler myths, or weighing the moral freight of modern nationalisms – a metaphor emerged: the “myth of fingerprints.” It was a lyric of Paul Simon’s which I had remembered out of context and frighted it with a meaning of my own making – a way of naming the uncanny persistence of identity stories, their air of timeless permanence, their promise of uniqueness – and the near certainty that these promises are, if not lies, then comforting half-truths. I found myself returning to it, polishing it, setting it against new historical examples and examining the fit.

And so this essay begins where that collaboration has led us: with the myth itself. Not as an accusation, nor as an elegy, but as a kind of unmasking – an invitation to look at the prints on the glass more carefully, and to consider how many hands have actually touched it.

What follows, then, is a foundation stone: a meditation on fingerprints, on the stories nations tell, and on the fragile, smudged, necessary business of belonging.

Every nation tells itself a story. It can’t help it. The story is seldom true in any strict archival sense, nor is it even necessarily consistent, but it performs the vital work of giving shape to the past and coherence to the present. It tells us who “we” are – a small, fiercely defended word – and what we owe to the ghosts who came before. History, in this sense, is never simply what happened; it is what we believe happened, what we need to believe in order to go on belonging.

That need gives rise to what we might call “the myth of fingerprints”: the comforting notion that identity, whether personal or national, is like the whorls on a fingertip – unique, immutable, traceable. That it leaves a clean mark on history, a signature that can be read back to its source. But this, too, is myth. No one’s fingerprints are purely their own. They are pressed and smudged by time, by touch, by other hands, other claims, other losses. The lines blur. History – national, personal, or collective – becomes a palimpsest of contact.

Every nation insists that it has its own distinct “fingerprint,” its unique identity pressed into the soft wax of the past. But what we actually see are overlapping impressions: the marks of conquerors and the conquered, settlers and displaced, victims and victors, the living and the dead. The illusion is that the print belongs to one hand alone; the reality is that we have all touched the same page.

This creates the deeper tension at the heart of remembering and belonging: the yearning for a clear print, an unbroken line from past to present, versus the recognition that history’s surfaces are crowded, overlaid, unstable. We imagine the fingerprint as fixed and legible – proof of continuity, of moral coherence. But in truth the record is partial, blurred, and endlessly rewritten. What we read as “identity” is often nothing more than the pattern that flatters our sense of self.

Different societies play out this tension in their own ways. Australia oscillates between a black armband and a white blindfold; Britain juggles its composite realms and questions its unitary future. America quarrels across its duelling creation myths – 1619 versus 1776; Russia and China legislate memory outright, outlawing doubt in the name of unity. Each of these contests betrays the same unease: that truth, once it steps out from behind the slogans, may not flatter us. So we curate, commemorate, rewrite; we re-edit the film reel to make our ancestors saints or victims, depending on the mood of the age. The past becomes a stage on which we perform our present anxieties.

Every competing narrative, every national myth, is ultimately another bid for belonging — an attempt to reconcile dueling vantage points and to anchor identity in some stable moral ground from which to look back. But there is no such ground. History is a moving landscape, its contours shifting with each generation’s eyes. We inherit our vantage points – from family, school, class, faith, geography – and we mistake the view for the terrain itself. What feels like historical truth to one may feel like erasure to another; what registers as guilt to some appears as justice to others. The archive does not change, but our eyes do.

To remember, then, is not merely to know, but to choose. And belonging – that subtle alloy of pride and shame – depends on which memories we choose to preserve and which we quietly let fade. Perhaps the most honest nations are those that admit the instability; that accept history as dialogue rather than verdict. For in the end, the past does not belong to the victors or the vanquished alone, but to all who continue to argue about it. The argument is the belonging.

Yet this argument, too, is fraught. In many countries, remembering and belonging collide with the desire for closure – the urge to stop interrogating the past lest the whorls dissolve altogether. Some insist that too much remembering threatens the story that binds us. But the danger of closure is amnesia: the quiet substitution of myth for memory. Once we start believing the fingerprint is perfect, we stop noticing whose fingers were cut off to make it so.

The myth of fingerprints therefore becomes the myth of pure belonging – the fiction that we can find, in the ridges of history, something distinctly and innocently our own. The truth is messier, more communal, more compromised. The mark we leave is never solely ours. It records how we have all handled the past – sometimes tenderly, sometimes violently – and how, in turn, the past has left its print on us.

In the end, those who tell the national story are bound by a common impulse: to tidy up the smudge and claim the mark as theirs alone. But history, like a fingerprint taken in haste, resists neatness. The harder you press, the more it blurs.

And so the historian’s task — and the citizen’s — is not to polish the print until it gleams, but to study the smudge: to see, in the blurred lines, the complicated truth of who we really are, and who we have been to one another.

I will return to those nations name checked above; but first, let us look at a region that is particularly in the spot light at this time, the genealogy and history of its peoples the focus of much discussion, conjecture, and indeed, misinformation.

The picture at the head of this essay is our own 2016 photograph of the streetscape behind the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem’s Old City, a vibrant spot where, literally and figuratively, all nations meet. 

The Peasants’ Revolt … the shaking of ancestral certainties 

We had been circling the question of identity, particularly in these troubled times with regard to the perennial chimera of Middle Eastern history, when Becoming Arab: The Formation 8of Arab Identity in the Medieval Middle East (Princeton, 2025) came to our attention. Its author is Yossef Rapoport, a historian of the social, cultural and legal aspects of life in the Islamic, Arabic-speaking Middle East in its Middle Ages.

At first glance, Rapoport’s book is about Egypt and Greater Syria between the eleventh and fifteenth but can also be viewed as an act of quiet historiographical subversion. It takes one of the most enduring assumptions in Middle Eastern history, that Arab identity is essentially primordial, tribal, genealogically anchored in the Arabian Peninsula, and consistently distinct from the sedentary peasantry, and reverts it. The Arabs, he argues, did not arrive in Egypt and Greater Syria in the later Middle Ages. They were, instead, made there. The peasants, he says, were Arabising themselves while no one was looking.

The Arabs of late-medieval Egypt and Syria did not descend like a migrating river from the Hejaz. They germinated from the soil itself. Villagers – Christian and Muslim, tenant and smallholder – constructed new Arab identities from the pressures of Islamisation, taxation, tenancy, and the need for protection against the Mamluk military apparatus. Arabness, in his telling, was not the survival of some desert aristocracy; it was the invention of the villages.

Identity, in Rapoport’s world, is not an inheritance. It is a project.

Becoming Arab, Becoming Someone: the unsettling art of Identity

Identity, as Rapoport’s medieval peasants quietly demonstrate, is less a patrimony than a practice – something fashioned, revised, and sometimes improvised like a timber roof over shifting sands. If modern nationalisms insist on bloodlines, purity, and ancient descent, Rapoport ushers us into a world where belonging is bricolage, and where the most enduring identities are precisely those that were assembled in moments of uncertainty.

His canvas, at least at first, seems modest: Egypt and Greater Syria in the late-medieval centuries. The Nile Delta, the villages of the Beqaa, the stepped hills of Jabal Nablus, the rural orchards around Damascus — these were not theatres of grand empire but landscapes of chronic insecurity, where land changed hands faster than memory, and where peasants, famously immobile, found themselves navigating new forms of power. Rapoport catches them in one such moment: the collapse of customary landholding under the Ayyubids and Mamluks, the spread of Islam into villages once half-Christian or syncretic, the arrival of new administrative categories that sorted human beings into clans, tribes, and lineages.

Most historians had assumed that Arab identity belonged to Bedouin tribes and their descendants — that the peasants of Egypt and Syria were simply absorbed or dominated by nomads. Rapoport tilts the frame. The villages, he shows, Arabised themselves from within. As military iqṭāʿ holders confiscated land, villagers reorganised along new kinship lines, often inventing lineages to protect themselves. Arabness, in this context, was not a biological category but a political technology. It gave rural people a language for solidarity, a framework for adjudicating disputes, a veneer of dignity in a world where formal autonomy had evaporated.

Genealogy – the great fetish of Middle Eastern historiography – emerges here as a craft, not a truth. Villagers pieced together Arabian forefathers from epics, sermons, Qur’anic imagery, and the demands of survival. The Sīrat Banī Hilāl and Sīrat Baybars were not mere stories; they were genealogical libraries. To insert oneself into these epics was not to lie but to belong. Much as Scottish clans in the 18th and 19th centuries adopted tartans older than their supposed lineage, or Balkan villages discovered Homeric ancestry with suspicious precision during the nationalist age, Egyptian and Syrian villagers found the Arabia they needed.

Rapoport’s materials are prosaic – tax registers, turbans, legal deeds –  yet their implications are seismic. When villagers appear in administrative registers as members of “tribes” spanning multiple villages, one sees identity crystallizing in real time. When turbans worn by urban Arabs suddenly appear on rural heads, one sees identity becoming visible before it becomes genealogical. When waqf deeds record peasants reorganising into named clans, one sees the invention of ancestry under pressure.

The old binary collapses: desert Arabs vs. sedentary peasants, mobile tribes vs. rooted farmers. Instead we encounter a world where tribes can grow in river valleys, and peasant families can adopt Arabian mythologies without becoming biological Arabs. Identity, in this telling, is not inherited but cultivated, a crop grown as much from stories as from soil.

The Expanding Wave: from Egypt and Syria to the Arab world

Once one accepts this rural, adaptive model of Arab identity, the rest of the region begins to shimmer differently. The Levant, always a crossroads, always porous, becomes a showcase of integrative identity formation. The Arabic spoken in Beirut, Jerusalem, Aleppo, and the hill villages of Palestine was not poured from a single Arabian vessel; it seeped into daily life through commerce, religion, poetry, and the slow gravitational pull of Islam. Levantine Christians Arabised linguistically while retaining liturgical identities older than Islam itself. The Maronites of Mount Lebanon absorbed Arabic hagiography into their repertoire; Greek Orthodox congregations in Palestine prayed in Greek while writing love poetry in Arabic.

Arabness here was not a takeover but a sedimentation: a layering of linguistic, cultural, and symbolic materials onto older regional identities. The people did not change; the idioms through which they spoke themselves did.

This pattern repeats with variation across the Maghreb. The legendary migrations of the Banū Hilāl, often treated as historical fact, now appear as cultural movements more potent than any actual demographic influx. North African communities adopted Hilālī origin stories not because Arabian blood flowed in their veins, but because the epics provided a heroism that resonated with rural life, feuding lineages, and pastoral memory. It was a genealogy of usefulness, not ancestry — a medieval branding exercise that worked spectacularly.

If Rapoport’s Egyptian villagers began to speak Arabia to make sense of their world, Maghrebi communities did the same across a different frontier: the long negotiation between Arab, Berber, and Islamic spheres. Meanwhile, Yemenis continued to retrofit their lineages backward into the time of Sabaeans and Himyarites, producing genealogies as ornate as carved doors in Sanaʿa.

Across this wide geography, identity behaves in the same patterned way: responsive, adaptive, porous. Not primordial, but persistent.

When Arabic became a village, a region, a world 

And somewhere in the midst of Rapoport’s quietly radical countryside – that Middle East of peasants who Arabised themselves while no one was looking – you must pause, tilt your head, and listen. Because language is doing something extraordinary here, something rarely acknowledged in the grand narratives of empire and creed. It is splitting and flowering, shedding its classical plumage, burrowing into the furrows of village life, and re-emerging as something both recognisably Arabic and unmistakably local. Arabisation was not only a migration of people or ideas; it was a migration of sounds.

At one end of the spectrum sits al fuṣḥā, the eloquent one – the Qur’anic register, the chancery script, the high prose that lived above the dust of daily life, as if suspended from the celestial spheres by unbreakable grammatical threads. It was the language of revelation, law, commentaries, the language you were meant to speak, or at least revere. It shimmered across the medieval landscape like a liturgical north star, perfectly declined, eternally unchanging.

But beneath it – within earshot, and yet worlds away – alʿāmmiyya, the vernaculars that grew like hardy, opinionated shrubs in every valley and market square. This was Arabic as lived: the idiom of millers, muleteers, and women gossiping at the well; the flexible, musical tongue of shepherds’ calls, lovers’ quarrels, curses hurled at tax collectors, and ballads sung under cheap lamps at dusk. If fuṣḥā belonged to eternity, ʿamiyya belonged to the moment. And it was ʿāmmiyya – not the polished classical al fuṣḥā’ ideal  – that carried the weight of becoming Arab.

Rapoport’s villagers were not mastering an Arabic language classics; they were sanding down al fuṣḥā’s angles, letting vowels and prefixes fall like loose grain from a sieve. They folded older substrates – Coptic in the Delta, Aramaic in the Hawrān, Syriac in Mesopotamia, Amazigh across the Maghreb –  into their new vernaculars, creating dialects that were less “corruptions” and more linguistic terroirs, tasting unmistakably of the soil from which they sprang. A peasant reciting Sīrat Banī Hilāl beside a canal was not merely echoing Arabian heroes; he was remaking the language so it sounded like home.

Egyptian Arabic took on its warm cadences and soft g’s; Levantine Arabic acquired its clipped urban briskness and rural singsong; Iraqi Arabic clung to archaisms jettisoned elsewhere; Maghrebi Arabic became its famously rapid, consonantal storm – so dense that an Egyptian might catch only fragments of a Moroccan taxi driver’s lament. Each dialect became a fossil record, a stratigraphy of migrations and memories.

And between these poles – the classical ideal above and the lived vernaculars below – there slowly formed a third layer: not yet fully born in Rapoport’s medieval world, but gestating in chancelleries and courtly workshops. What we now call Modern Standard Arabic – the language of officialdom, of newspapers, of TV anchors with immaculate hair. Not quite fuṣḥā, not quite ʿamiyya, but a negotiated truce between them: the language of governments, of textbooks, of polite argumentation, stripped of archaism yet still tethered to scriptural authority. It is nearer to the classical than the colloquial, yet modern enough to speak of jet engines and election irregularities without sounding like a medieval astrologer.

The tripartite ecology – fuṣḥā the ideal, Standard the negotiated, andʿāmmiyya the lived – became one of the great engines of regional difference. For Arab identity, so often imagined as primordial and uniform, turns out to be something much more interesting: a multilingual negotiation. A people becomes Arab in three voices at once –  the language of God, the language of the state, and the language of the grandmother – and the distance between them is where history happens.

Arabisation, then, was not a single river flowing outward from Arabia but a delta, branching, silted, alive with local colour. Fuṣḥā offered a canopy of meaning; Standard Arabic provided the bureaucratic trellis; butʿāmmiyya rooted people to place, giving each community its accent, its humour, its way of making the world intelligible. Rapoport’s villagers did not simply become Arabs. They became Arabs in their own accents.

A civilisation, after all, is rarely forged by the language its scholars write. More often, it is shaped by the language its people speak when no one important is listening.

Palestine: Continuity Without Primordialism

The Palestinian case sits at the junction of these wider patterns but carries its own texture. Unlike Egypt’s delta or North Africa’s steppe, the population of Palestine shows remarkable continuity in settlement from antiquity through the Islamic period. Archaeology, Ottoman tax registers, and settlement studies all point to a population deeply rooted in place. Arabisation here was overwhelmingly linguistic and cultural – a shift of idiom rather than a replacement of peoples. The fallahin who tended the terraced hills of the Galilee, the citrus orchards of Jaffa, and the olive groves of Bethlehem inherited practices, place-names, and family continuities stretching back centuries.

Their “Arabness” emerged gradually as the Levant’s cultural horizon shifted; their “Palestinianness” crystallised much later, in the 19th and early 20th centuries, in dialogue with Ottoman reforms, missionary schools, European cartographies, rising local literatures, and eventually Zionist settlement. But none of this makes them latecomers. It places them squarely within the universal pattern Rapoport uncovers: a people whose identity evolved under pressure, opportunity, and imagination.

Turning the mirror: Jewish identity under the same light

But here is the irony – the elegant and unsettling symmetry: the very method that destabilises genealogical Arabness also destabilises genealogical Jewishness. For if Arabness in Egypt and Syria was assembled, if Maghrebi lineages were performed, if Palestinian Arab identity evolved through cultural sedimentation rather than bloodline replacement, then Jewish identity – ancient, diasporic, and widely varied – equally bears the marks of construction.

This does not undermine Jewish indigeneity. It simply places it in its proper human context: a story of endurance and reinvention, not unbroken biological lineage.

Rabbinic Judaism, the bedrock of post-Temple Jewish identity, is itself a grand reconstruction – a theological architecture erected after the catastrophe of 70 CE. Sephardi Jews absorbed Andalusian philosophy; Mizrahim internalised the rhythms of Iraq, Yemen, Morocco; Ashkenazim carried and transformed the cultural DNA of Rhineland, Slavic, and Central European worlds. Even the Hebrew language died and was resurrected – arguably the most successful identity reinvention of the modern age.

Zionism, far from claiming purity, openly embraced transformation. It imagined the “New Jew” – muscular, agricultural, rooted – explicitly in defiance of the diaspora Jew caricatured as bookish, urban, passive. Modern Israeli identity remains an astonishingly dynamic negotiation between these multiple inheritances, plus the lived realities of immigration, conflict, citizenship, diaspora return, and technological modernity.

Thus Rapoport’s thesis does not privilege Jewish claims; it relativises them. It reminds us that Jews too “became” at multiple historical junctures — through adaptation, narrative, and necessity.

The second coming of Hebrew

If Arabic became a village tongue by flowering into its dialects, Hebrew performed a stranger, almost miraculous manoeuvre: it returned from the bookshelf to the street. For two millennia it lived largely in the high attic of Jewish life – the language of prayer, of legal argumentation, of letters that crossed continents in search of kin; a liturgical and literary macrofuṣḥā, if you will, spoken mainly to God or to posterity. Everyday speech was ceded to Aramaic, to Judeo-Arabic, to Ladino, to Yiddish – the rich polyglot detritus of exile.

And then, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Hebrew did what few languages have ever done: it was revived not as a museum piece but as a mother tongue. The result, Modern Hebrew, is neither a corruption nor a restoration but a negotiated hybrid – biblical syntax warmed by Yiddish rhythms, revived roots grafted onto European semantic habits, ancient structures bent to modern bureaucracies and café humour. Like the Arabic dialects, it bears the fingerprints of its makers: immigrants from Minsk and Marrakesh, Odessa and Sana’a, each inflecting the resurrected tongue with their own vowels, anxieties, and homeland ghosts. If Rapoport’s peasants Arabised themselves while no one was looking, the early Zionist settlers Hebraised themselves with an almost performative intensity – yet in both cases, the language that emerged is best understood not as purity regained but as identity spoken into being.

Mirrors and maps – symbols speak Belonging

If identity is a story, then symbols are its shorthand, its portable memory, its way of saying we were here, we endure, we belong. Modern Palestinian nationalism can be read in three of its most persistent emblems: the keffiyeh, the olive tree, and the watermelon. None is ancient in its nationalist meaning, yet each has become a portable archive of belonging.

The keffiyeh – once a functional headcloth of fellahin and Bedouin alike – rose to symbolic prominence in the twentieth century, especially through the black-and-white pattern popularised by the Palestinian revolt of the 1930s and later by Arafat. What had been rural workwear became a visual shorthand for endurance, resistance, and the dignity of the countryside, a textile memory of a peasant world under pressure.

The olive tree, by contrast, is not an invention but a continuity – a living witness that predates the identities laid upon it. Its adoption as a national emblem draws upon its stubborn longevity: roots that hold fast, fruit that ripens slowly, groves that survive empires. As settlement patterns shifted and land was expropriated, the olive tree became a symbol of steadfastness (sumud), a natural register of presence, cultivation, and loss. And then there is the watermelon – the most modern, and perhaps the most telling, of the three. When authorities banned the display of the Palestinian flag in the late twentieth century, artists and protesters responded with slices of watermelon whose four colours – red, green, black, and white – reproduced the outlawed emblem in edible form. What began as visual subterfuge evolved into a symbol of creative defiance, a reminder that identity can slip through prohibitions and reappear in unexpected places as a people under constraint finds new semiotics, new signs, new ways of saying: we are here, and we endure – sedimented time, a material mnemonic of everyday life, a witness to displacement and resilience, and a way of folding centuries into a single gesture.

Across the same contested landscapes, Israeli identity tells a parallel story. The Magen David, Star of David, once a diaspora emblem, repurposed as a unifying national icon; the menorah, the seven-branched candelabrum from the Temple of Jerusalem, ancient and sacred, bridging memory and modernity, once-ritual reframed as civic heritage; the sabra pear cactus, adopted as a metaphor for the “New Jew” – resilient, thorny on the outside, sweet within –  a botanical and cultural invention, celebrating the settler’s rootedness in the land, the imagined continuity with indigenous soil, and the transformation of diaspora into native presence.

These symbols, like their Palestinian counterparts, are inventions as much as continuities, drawn from ritual, memory, myth, and habit, polished in the crucible of public display and repeated performance. They are not merely markers of belonging, but performances of it – a gesture, a pose, a way of telling the world and oneself, this is who we are, this is where we stand. Each set of symbols narratied its people’s story, equally real in effect, equally constructed in origin

And yet, juxtaposed, these two sets of emblems, competing and complementary, reveal a striking symmetry emerging from lived practice, not abstract decree; each local and portable, bodily and visual; each negotiating the space between memory and invention, continuity and adaptation. Diasporas, exiles, settlers, and villagers all participate in the same act of making the ephemeral tangible: identity rendered in cloth, in bark, in fruit, in geometric design. What is striking is that, in both cases, history is never merely received. It is performed, repeated, negotiated, and argued over, asserting: we are here, we have been here, we will be here again.

In this sense, symbols are both mirrors and maps. They trace the contours of human endurance while projecting aspirations into the future. They mark presence in a land where stories are borders and borders are wounds. And in the Levant, perhaps more than anywhere else, they remind us that identity is never inherited in pure form; it is always spoken, stitched, grafted, and tasted into being, layer upon layer, season upon season, gesture upon gesture – until it settles, tentatively, like sediment, into collective memory.

From Words to Symbols: The material and performative logic of Identity

What Rapoport shows us in the medieval villages of Egypt and Greater Syria – that Arabness was not inherited but spoken, performed, and negotiated – echoes forward into the modern Levant in ways both subtle and vivid. If peasants remade themselves through dialect, through adoption of heroic genealogies, through turbans and clan names, then later generations remade themselves through cloth, fruit, and emblem. The keffiyeh, the olive, the watermelon, the Star of David, the menorah, the sabra: these are all languages of presence, extending the principle of bricolage beyond speech into the realm of material culture, visual rhetoric, and ritual practice.

In both the medieval and the modern, identity is bricolage: it is assembled from what is at hand, folded into local rhythms, adjusted to political pressure, shaped by practical necessity. Just as villagers Arabicised themselves in ways that suited their fields, their canals, their epics, so too did Palestinians and Israelis use symbols to assert belonging, continuity, and dignity. Language carried the first traces of adaptation; symbols, textiles, trees, fruit, and architecture carried the next. Both operate as sedimented narratives, recording what communities value, fear, and hope for — and both reveal that claims of antiquity, of “primordial belonging,” are far less simple than nationalist imaginations often suggest.

In this sense, Rapoport’s argument is not merely a historical footnote; it is a lens for reading the entire human enterprise of identity. Arabisation, Hebraisation, nationalist symbolism — all are variations on the same theme: identity is not a given, it is made. It is performed in dialect, enacted in ritual, embodied in trees, stitched into cloth, carved in stone. The past is invoked, rearranged, and made present; continuity is imagined even as invention is relentless. And the irony — or perhaps the quiet wisdom — is that this process is universal. One people’s invented continuity mirrors another’s; one community’s performance echoes another’s; all are engaged in the same human project: the persistent, adaptive, and sometimes improvisational work of becoming who they are.

The Great Levantine Lesson

The deeper one follows Rapoport’s trail, the clearer the common denominator becomes: all identities in the region  – Arab, Jewish, Berber, Coptic, Kurdish, Assyrian, Turkish — share the same grammar of survival. All have invented ancestors. All have reassembled themselves after rupture. All have absorbed strangers and myths. All have lost something, rebuilt something, reimagined something.

The Middle East, seen through this prism, becomes a vast workshop of identity-making. In this workshop: Egyptian peasants reinvent themselves as tribal Arabs; Levantine Christians become Arabic-speaking while guarding ancient liturgies; North African families claim Hilālī heroes they never met; Jewish exiles reinvent themselves as Hebrews on Mediterranean soil; Palestinians reassemble themselves as a nation under Ottoman collapse and colonial intrusion; Israelis today negotiate the uneasy coexistence of diaspora memory with national modernity.

None of these processes diminishes legitimacy. On the contrary: they reveal what legitimacy actually rests upon – persistence, memory, and lived connection, not biological myth.

The End of Primordial Claims

Rapoport’s thesis subverts romanticised, essentialist, genealogical identity claims. In showing how identity formation is a universal human process, his real target, methodologically, is primordialism – not Arab identity specifically, nor Jewish, but any identity rooted in “ancient bloodlines”. His real subversion, then, is not aimed at Arabs or Jews, Palestinians or Israelis, but at the very idea that peoples possess an unbroken biological thread stretching into antiquity. His medieval villagers show, with disarming clarity, that identity is always a story – a story shaped by circumstance and repeated until it becomes the air a people breathe.

This does not erase indigeneity; it clarifies it. Palestinian indigeneity is not a matter of being “ancient Arabs,” but of continuous habitation, cultural adaptation, and memory in place. Jewish indigeneity is not a matter of pure descent, but of enduring religious, cultural, and historical ties to the land. Arabness in the Levant rests not on genealogy, but on centuries of embedding and evolving within the region. Rapoport gives us a Levant without primordial peoples — only persistent ones.

And in a region where identity narratives harden into territorial claims and territorial claims harden into conflict, this is both a historiographical gift and a political provocation. It suggests that legitimacy need not depend on purity. That ancientness is less important than continuity. That belonging is built, not inherited. And that peoples become themselves through the long, complex choreography of memory, story, and need.

In the end, Rapoport does not pick a side. He pulls away the floorboards on which all sides stand. He reminds us that identity – Arab, Jewish, Palestinian, Israeli — is always being written, rewritten, and lived into existence.

And perhaps, in a land where stories are borders and borders are wounds, the recognition that everyone is still becoming may be the beginning of something truer than any myth of fingertips.

The following is full, detailed review and analysis of Yossef Rapoport’s Becoming Arab: The Formation of Arab Identity in the Medieval Middle East, assembled by ChatGPT with particular attention to its core thesis, evidence, historiographical interventions, and implications.

In that Howling Infinite, August 2026

See also, Maps, memory, and the myth of fingerprints and One Land, Two Peoples: History, Memory, Continuity, and Inheritance 

 

Yossef Rapoport, Becoming Arab: The Formation of Arab Identity in the Medieval Middle East (Princeton, 2025)

I. What the book is really about

Rapoport’s book is an act of quiet historiographical subversion. It takes one of the most enduring assumptions in Middle Eastern history—that Arab identity is essentially primordial, tribal, genealogically anchored in the Arabian Peninsula, and consistently distinct from the sedentary peasantry—and flips it like a late-Mamluk pancake. The Arabs, he argues, did not arrive in Egypt and Greater Syria in the later Middle Ages. They were, instead, made there. More precisely: they were made from within the peasantry.

Peasants, by the 11th to 15th centuries, were not merely copying the desert elites; they were fashioning new, hybrid, locally meaningful Arab identities that had little to do with actual descent and everything to do with the rural experience of Islamisation, tenancy, taxation, and survival.
It’s a thesis that feels startlingly modern: ethnicity as a choice, genealogy as a strategy, identity as a form of political choreography.


II. The Core Thesis

Rapoport’s central claim can be stated like this:

Late-medieval village society in Egypt and Greater Syria did not merely absorb Arab migrants; instead, it internally generated new Arab identities as a response to Islamisation, shifting landholding patterns, and the social pressures imposed by Turkish-dominated military elites.

Arabness, in this landscape, becomes not a bloodline but a language of belonging—a kind of medieval “myth of fingertips”: the place where people insisted lineage reached right into the past, even if it was assembled from the materials of the present.

Where earlier historians saw Bedouin versus peasant, tribe versus fellah, Rapoport sees a continuum, a porous membrane, even a feedback loop. The “Arab tribes” of the Nile Delta, the Syrian steppe, and the mountain valleys of Lebanon were not simply semi-nomadic imports from the Hejaz; they were rural communities re-imagining themselves as clans, lineages, and descendants of Arabian forebears.

Identity, in his telling, is not an inheritance. It is a project.


III. Evidence: the brick-and-mortar of the argument

Rapoport draws on several bodies of evidence, each used to dismantle a different pillar of the old narrative.

1. Documentary evidence (tax registers, legal texts, waqf deeds)

These show a marked shift after the 11th century: landholding collapses at the village level; peasants shift from proprietors to tenants; Mamluk and Ayyubid authorities restructure the rural economy around military iqta‘ grants. As villagers lose legal autonomy, they reorganise social life around lineages—many newly minted—which provide a protective umbrella and a sense of inherited legitimacy.

2. Literary and epic traditions

Here is where it gets unexpectedly colourful.
Rapoport shows that popular epics—Sīrat Banī Hilāl, Sīrat al-Ẓāhir Baybars, and the rest of the “heroic Arabia” cycle—spread widely in the very period villagers were reinventing themselves. These were not simply entertainments; they were genealogical libraries, moral charters, and recruiting posters for a new Arab identity. The villagers, hearing the wind in these tales, began to see themselves as the descendants of heroic Arabian clans—much as early modern Scots reinvented themselves with tartans and clans, or Balkan villages acquired “ancient” heroic eponyms.

3. Material culture (dress, headgear, tools, settlement patterns)

Peasant adoption of recognisably “Arab” headgear is telling. Village men begin wearing turbans and headdresses associated with Arabian tribes, not because some Bedouin fashion influencer rode into town, but because this was how one signaled participation in the new, Islamised rural order.
Identity became visible before it became fully genealogical.

4. Administrative practice

Crucially, the state did not impose “Arab clans” from above. Villagers themselves appear in registers as members of named clans—often clustering multiple villages into single lineages for reasons practical (protection, arbitration) and political (collective bargaining with the authorities).
The state reacted to Arabisation; it did not engineer it.


IV. Why this matters: the historiography he is challenging

Rapoport is pushing against a century of scholarship that imagines the rural Middle East as divided into two stable populations:

  • the “Arabs”—pastoral nomads who moved in waves out of Arabia;
  • the “peasants”—sedentary, agricultural, stable, pre-Islamic in ancestry.

This model, inherited from colonial anthropology and sharpened by nationalist historiography, treats tribal identity as primordial and peasant identity as static.

Rapoport argues instead that:

  • tribes could be village-based, not pastoral;
  • genealogy could be invented, repurposed, or retrofitted;
  • Islamisation—especially at the rural level—drove cultural Arabisation;
  • identity formation was dynamic, negotiated, and profoundly local.

This is a direct challenge to the assumption that Arab identity is exclusively blood-and-descent. It is also a quiet rebuttal to nationalist claims of unbroken tribal antiquity. Arabness, he shows, was not only imported but cultivated.


V. The larger argument: Islamisation + tenancy = Arabisation

One of Rapoport’s boldest contributions is linking two processes not commonly tied together:

1. Rural Islamisation

By the twelfth century, Islam is no longer the religion of cities, elites, and military slaves. It is the faith of the countryside. Conversion changes the symbolic world of peasants: new rituals, new saints, new calendars, new tales. The Qur’an’s tribal imaginary—its genealogies, its Arabian landscapes—becomes part of the villagers’ imaginative toolkit.

2. New landholding regime (loss of peasant ownership)

As villagers become tenants under Mamluk iqta‘ holders, they need new social glue. Clans, lineages, and “Arab” ancestry become a kind of rural insurance system: your clan pledges to support you, represent you, and avenge you.

Arab identity becomes:

  • a protection network,
  • a political instrument,
  • a prestige marker against Turkish elites,
  • a vocabulary for resistance (rural uprisings against sultans are framed as “Arab” revolts),
  • a source of internal arbitration.

Thus: peasants did not Arabise because they were Bedouin.
They Arabised because it worked.


VI. Implications 

Rapoport’s thesis brings the medieval Middle East uncannily close to modern sociological understandings of ethnicity—fluid, instrumental, symbolic, often retroactively rationalised. It also nudges us toward a more complex genealogy of “Arabness” itself: a palimpsest, not a pedigree; a village archive, not a tribal fossil.

For identity, he suggests, is rarely about where the bones lie. It is about where the stories point.

And suddenly the medieval Middle East begins to look like a place we recognise: villages reinventing their past to survive the present; peasants turning themselves into nobles; lineages rising from the soil like wheat after rain.

Even the parallels multiply. Egyptian Copts who Arabised linguistically without adopting tribal genealogies; Maghrebis who Arabised through Hilālī myth rather than Hilālī migration; Yemenis who constructed lineages retroactively; Levantine Christians who Arabised culturally while maintaining confessional particularity.

You can feel the modern world echoing through it. Identity as adaptation; belonging as bricolage.


VII. Final Assessment

Becoming Arab is an important book—not because it demolishes an old narrative (though it does), but because it humanises one of the most over-mythologised transformations in world history. The peasants were not passive recipients of migrations or administrative fiat. They were, to borrow your favourite phrase, “authors of their own ancestry”—creative, pragmatic, occasionally rebellious, and deeply invested in the stories they told about themselves.

Rapoport gives us a Middle East where Arabness is not the monopoly of conquerors but a living, rural, evolving identity—stitched together from costume, story, religion, and resistance.
A world where villagers “became Arab” because it made sense, because it offered dignity, because it offered protection, and—most surprisingly—because it offered hope.

It is, in its way, a very modern book about a very medieval problem.

Lucifer ascending … the Dark Lord and the evil within

In Lucifer Descending … encounters with the morning star, In That Howling Infinite followed Lucifer’s long journey from Scripture into theology: from the elusive serpent of Genesis to the rebellious archangel of Christian tradition; from the Book of Job to Isaiah, Ezekiel, the New Testament and, ultimately, to Milton’s magnificent Paradise Lost. It was the story of how a comparatively shadowy biblical adversary gradually became the Prince of Darkness who has haunted the Western imagination for almost two millennia.

But stories, like their protagonists, seldom remain where we leave them. If Lucifer Descending explored how the Lucifer fell from Heaven, this essay asks what happened after he landed.

For Lucifer, it turns out, has enjoyed an extraordinarily successful afterlife. As religious belief has receded across much of the Western world, he has not disappeared. Rather, he has escaped the confines of theology and colonised almost every corner of our culture. He strides through literature, painting, opera, horror, fantasy, cinema, television, popular music and political rhetoric with undiminished confidence.

This is therefore not another essay about Satan as an object of faith. It is an exploration of Lucifer as one of Western civilisation’s most durable cultural archetypes. Why do we continue to invent Dark Lords long after many have ceased to believe in the Devil? Why do our stories seem unable to function without them? Why does the Wild Hunt still thunder across our imagination, why does Old Nick keep turning up in our songs, and why do successive generations remain fascinated by the glamour of the forbidden?

The answers reveal at least as much about ourselves as they do about the Devil.

For, as this essay gradually suggests, Lucifer’s greatest triumph may not have been persuading us that he exists. It may have been persuading us that evil always wears somebody else’s face.

Lucifer descending, Gustave Dore

The Devil Rises

I heard the snake was baffled by his sin
He shed his scales to find the snake within
But born again is born without a skin
The poison enters into everything
Leonard Cohen, Treaty

There is a curious paradox at the heart of Western civilisation. For all the decline in church attendance, one suspects that Lucifer has never really been unemployed.

Heaven may have dismissed him long ago, but literature, painting, music, theatre and cinema hired him almost immediately. Theology gradually misplaced him; popular culture put him back on the payroll. Strip away the horns, the cloven hooves and the sulphurous odour, and he reappears century after century in fresh disguise: the Dark Lord, the Shadow, the Emperor, the Great Corrupter, the smiling tyrant, the master criminal, the “Big Bad”, the villain whose ambitions invariably exceed both his wisdom and his humanity.

In short, Lucifer never really went away. He simply changed costumes.

This is perhaps his greatest triumph. For while belief in a literal Devil has waned across much of the Western world, belief in evil personified has scarcely diminished at all. We remain incurable myth-makers. Every age invents a Prince of Darkness suited to its own anxieties. Medieval Europe imagined hornèd demons lurking in forests and crossroads. The nineteenth century preferred aristocratic vampires and criminal masterminds. The twentieth gave us dictators. The twenty-first has elevated cinematic super-villains into a kind of secular demonology. We may no longer fear Hell in quite the old-fashioned sense, but we still require someone – or something – to embody the darkness against which heroes define themselves.

It is hardly surprising. Stories require conflict. Heroes are admirable, but villains are memorable. The hero must remain consistently virtuous; the villain enjoys all the best speeches, the finest costumes and the greatest dramatic licence. Lucifer himself set the pattern. Even those who have never read Paradise Lost have absorbed Milton’s magnificent creation second-hand. William Blake famously quipped that the Puritan poet “was of the Devil’s party without knowing it,” and one understands precisely what he meant. God issues decrees. Satan delivers soliloquies and strikes power chords.

Milton’s Lucifer was not the grotesque beast of medieval mystery plays. He was intelligent, eloquent, magnificent even in defeat, ruined less by wickedness than by pride. “Better to reign in Hell than serve in Heaven” may be one of the most quoted lines in English literature precisely because it speaks to something recognisably human. Milton’s Devil is wrong, certainly, but never dull. Every great fictional Dark Lord since has borrowed something from him.

J.R.R. Tolkien would doubtless have resisted the comparison. As a devout Catholic he disliked allegory almost as much as C.S. Lewis embraced it. Yet Sauron stands unmistakably in the Miltonic tradition. He is no mere tyrant but a fallen power, less a personality than a malignant will bent entirely upon domination. Indeed, Sauron scarcely appears in The Lord of the Rings as a character at all. He is an absence, an all-seeing eye, a presence felt rather than seen. Evil has become abstract, bureaucratic almost, no longer dependent upon pitchforks and brimstone but upon surveillance, conquest and absolute control. Lucifer has evolved into totalitarianism.

Sauron’s lieutenant Saruman is perhaps closer to Milton’s original conception. Once wise, once good, corrupted not by appetite but by certainty. Like Lucifer himself, Saruman does not begin as evil. He begins by believing that the ends justify the means. Christopher Lee, who portrayed him so magnificently, understood these ambiguities better than most. There was something appropriate about the actor who had previously embodied Dracula and Rasputin eventually becoming Tolkien’s fallen wizard. Lee spent much of his career giving evil an aristocratic dignity that was infinitely more unsettling than any number of prosthetic horns.

George Lucas followed much the same path. Darth Vader may be the fallen angel, the once-noble knight seduced by power, but the true Lucifer of Star Wars is Emperor Palpatine. Smiling, patient, almost avuncular, he rarely forces anyone to do anything. Instead, he whispers. He flatters. He identifies weaknesses already present and quietly enlarges them. Like the serpent in Eden, he offers knowledge, certainty and power, while allowing his victims to imagine that every decision is entirely their own. Watching the prequel trilogy today, one is struck by how often democracy destroys itself voluntarily. Palpatine scarcely stages a coup. The Republic hands him the keys.

Marvel has travelled a similar road. Thanos does not regard himself as wicked. Quite the reverse. He considers himself the only rational adult in a sentimental universe. Half of all life must perish, he argues, so that the remainder may flourish. His is genocide expressed as arithmetic. That, perhaps, is modern evil in a nutshell. The old Devil tempted souls. Today’s Dark Lord arrives bearing graphs, statistics and PowerPoint slides.

Even Walt Disney understood that darkness is dramatically indispensable. Snow White has her Wicked Queen, Sleeping Beauty her horned Maleficent, and The Lion King its melancholy conspirator Scar, Shakespeare’s Richard III translated into feline form. Disney princes tend to blur into one another. Nobody forgets Cruella De Ville.

Nor is this confined to fairy tales.

Sherlock Holmes required Professor Moriarty, “the Napoleon of Crime”, a title that neatly transformed the “Corsican ogre” into a metaphor for criminal genius. Dracula became immortal not merely because he drank blood but because he represented temptation wrapped in elegance. Hannibal Lecter horrified audiences precisely because he was cultivated enough to discuss Bach and Bordeaux while contemplating cannibalism. Batman’s Joker delights in proving that civilisation itself is only a thin coat of paint over chaos. Voldemort, another heir to Sauron, seeks not merely power but immortality itself, the oldest Luciferian ambition of all.

James Bond, too, would have enjoyed a remarkably brief career had Ian Fleming contented himself with ordinary gangsters. Instead, he gave us Blofeld, Dr No, Goldfinger and a parade of megalomaniacs convinced that humanity’s principal problem was insufficient obedience. They possessed volcanic lairs, Persian cats, improbable weapons and ambitions bordering on the theological. Bond did not merely foil criminals; he repeatedly thwarted men aspiring to become secular gods.

One of the cleverest reinventions of the archetype came from the most unlikely quarter imaginable: a Californian-based television series ostensibly about teenage vampires.

Beneath the wisecracks and high-school melodrama, Buffy the Vampire Slayer was an entertainingly sophisticated theological exercise. Each season introduced a new “Big Bad”, the a term creator Joss Weedon coined for whatever apocalyptic menace Buffy happened to be facing. The expression was comic, yet psychologically astute. Stories seem to demand a supreme antagonist around whom lesser evils can organise themselves.

The setting was inspired. Sunnydale High School stood upon a Hellmouth, a literal gateway to infernal realms buried beneath the school library, and an eminently portable metaphor. Adolescence already feels like Hell; why not build the school directly over it? Evil, the series quietly suggested, is never somewhere else. It is not confined to Mordor or the underworld. It bubbles perpetually beneath ordinary life, beneath classrooms, shopping malls, suburban cul-de-sacs and parent-teacher evenings, requiring only the occasional crack in the pavement to emerge. “There’s this thing that happens here, over the hell mouth”, says Buffy, “where the way a thing feels – it kind of starts being that way for real. I’ve seen all these things before – just not all at once”.

Lucifer has hence become less a theological proposition than a dramatic necessity. Every mythology requires its dragon. Every dragon requires its Dark Lord. Every Dark Lord owes something to the Morning Star. And every hero requires a nemesis to defeat and destroy.

Nor do we confine these figures to fiction. Human beings have always displayed a remarkable talent for transforming history into morality plays. Every generation manufactures its own secular Satan. Adolf Hitler has become the universal benchmark against which evil itself is measured. His name no longer belongs solely to history but to mythology. Joseph Stalin joins him, pipe smoke curling above the Gulag like incense from some infernal liturgy. Mao Tse Tung presides over famines of almost biblical proportions. Pol Pot transformed Cambodia into a charnel house. Even the language betrays us. We do not merely describe such men as wicked. We speak of them as monsters, demons, incarnations of evil itself.

Earlier centuries found their Dark Lords elsewhere. Napoleon Bonaparte was the Corsican Ogre, riding across Europe like an Antichrist in cavalry boots. Medieval chroniclers regarded Genghis Khan as divine punishment erupting from the eastern steppe. Rome supplied a gallery of memorable villains – Nero, Caligula, Commodus and Elagabalus – whose reputations, embroidered though some undoubtedly are, have endured for two thousand years because every civilisation likes to imagine that somewhere in its past there strode an emperor who was not merely bad but diabolical.

Then there was Grigori Rasputin, whom we encountered in a recent essay. Mystic, mountebank, holy fool, healer, libertine, political manipulator and reluctant martyr, Rasputin somehow managed to become all things to all people. The beard, the hypnotic stare, the whispered scandals, the astonishing resilience in the face of poison, bullets and icy rivers – no wonder he stared in on of Hammer’s schlocky horror shows.

There is, however, a danger in all this. The more enthusiastically we invest evil in extraordinary individuals, the more confidently the rest of us absolve ourselves. If Hitler is Satan, then we need only reassure ourselves that we are not Hitler. If Sauron dwells in Mordor, then the Shire is safely innocent. It is an attractive proposition, comforting even, but one that both history and literature stubbornly refuse to endorse.

Milton knew better. So did Tolkien. So, in his own deceptively gentle way, did W.H. Auden, who, according to his biographer, Humphrey Carpenter, once startled a Sunday School class by asking, “Do you know what the Devil looks like? The Devil looks like me.”

That may be the most unsettling description of Lucifer ever written. For it suggests that the Dark Lord’s final disguise is not the hornèd demon, nor the tyrant, nor the vampire, nor the emperor. It is the ordinary human face reflected back at us from the mirror.

From there, as the old proverb reminds us, it is but a short ride before the Devil takes the reins.

Sauron, the all-seeing eye

The Devil Drives

And now the wheels of heaven stop, you feel the devil’s riding crop.
Get ready for the future: it is murder.
Leonard Cohen, The Future

If the Dark Lord gives evil a face, the Devil gives it motion.

There is an old English proverb, first recorded by John Lydgate around 1420, that survives today in abbreviated form: Needs must when the Devil drives. We have largely forgotten the second half, retaining only the resigned “needs must”, yet the original is far richer. It conjures a vivid image of the unfortunate traveller compelled onward by an infernal coachman, driven not by choice but by necessity, passion, fear or circumstance. Shakespeare knew the saying well and put it into the mouth of Helena in All’s Well That Ends Well. Six centuries later it still captures something uncomfortable about the human condition. We like to think we are steering our own course. More often than not, someone – or something else – appears to have seized the reins. How often have we heard those righteous souls who have failed to resist carnal temptation plaintively cry “the devil made me do it!”

The Devil, in this tradition, is not so much a ruler as a driver.

American gospel music later turned the proverb into practical theology. “Don’t let the Devil ride,” warned one well-loved spiritual. The explanation followed immediately: “If you let him ride, he’ll want to drive.” It is a neat summary of temptation itself. Evil rarely demands complete surrender at the outset. It asks only for a lift, a compromise, a tiny concession, one small indulgence. Before long, you discover that you have been relegated to the passenger seat.

Author Dennis Wheatley understood the power of this ancient image when he published The Devil Rides Out in 1934. It remains one of the great classics of English supernatural fiction, written at a time when spiritualism, séances and occult societies flourished among polite society between the wars. Wheatley’s Satan is no medieval gargoyle lurking beneath cathedral gargoyles. He rides abroad, active in the world, recruiting disciples, pursuing souls and intruding into drawing rooms where cocktails are served with impeccable manners. Christopher Lee’s magnificent portrayal of the Duc de Richelieu in Hammer’s 1968 adaptation elevated what might otherwise have been Gothic melodrama into something almost Miltonic. Tall, patrician and entirely convincing, Lee battled infernal forces with learning, courage and Latin – unlike Buffy Somer’s high kicks and wisecracks. It may be the only horror film in which civilisation itself, embodied in good breeding and quiet erudition, proves the Devil’s most formidable opponent.

Yet Wheatley was drawing upon something immeasurably older than Christianity, for long before Lucifer acquired horns, antique Europe already knew that when the wind howled through winter forests and clouds raced across a full moon, riders were abroad on The Wild Hunt.

Every northern people seemed to possess its own version. In Scandinavia it thundered across the heavens under the command of Odin himself, one-eyed, cloaked and spear in hand, accompanied by ghostly warriors and spectral wolves. In England the leader became Herne the Hunter, antlers upon his brow, riding through Windsor Forest with baying hounds at his heels. Shakespeare gives him a memorable cameo in The Merry Wives of Windsor, where Falstaff disguises himself as the horned hunter beneath the great oak. Whether Herne was once a forgotten woodland god, an Anglo-Saxon spirit or merely local folklore hardly matters. By Elizabethan times everyone knew that one did not linger in the forest after dark when Herne was abroad.

Across the Severn in Wales the Hunt belonged to Gwyn ap Nudd, king of Annwn, the Otherworld, who rode with his fearsome Cŵn Annwn, the white hounds with crimson ears whose baying foretold death. In Brittany and northern France, it became the Mesnée d’Hellequin, the Host of Hellequin, whose mysterious leader eventually lent his name, by one of language’s curious transformations, to the comic Harlequin of the Italian stage. Germany knew the procession under other names; so too did the Low Countries.

The details varied. The essentials did not. A storm. A cavalcade. The dead riding with the living. And woe betide anyone who crossed their path. Sometimes those unfortunate enough to witness the Hunt were swept away forever. Sometimes they were compelled to join it. Sometimes they survived only to wake the following morning miles from home with no memory of the night’s journey. One can almost hear the old proverb whispering through these stories. Needs must when the Devil drives.

The great Norwegian painter Peter Nicolai Arbo captured the legend magnificently in his 1872 canvas Åsgårdsreien – usually rendered in English simply as The Wild Hunt of Odin. It is one of those paintings that appears almost to move before one’s eyes. Odin’s spectral company bursts from the darkness in an explosion of movement. Horses rear. Cloaks stream behind their riders. Women, warriors and phantom hounds tumble through the storm as though the sky itself has become a battlefield. Nothing in the picture is static. The Hunt is motion incarnate, a supernatural force impossible either to resist or escape. Looking upon it, one immediately understands why our ancestors barred their doors when winter winds began to howl.

Åsgårdsreien – The Wild Hunt

The Church, unsurprisingly, appropriated the legend rather than abolishing it. Odin quietly surrendered his command to darker powers. The spectral riders became demons. The horned Herne acquired a suspicious resemblance to the Devil himself. Pagan myth merged seamlessly into Christian cosmology. The Hunt still rode; only its commander had changed.

Or perhaps not. For there is something profoundly Luciferian about the Wild Hunt irrespective of who happens to lead it. It is the embodiment of restless movement, insatiable desire and ceaseless pursuit. The riders never arrive because they are never seeking a destination. They exist only to chase – like temptation itself.

The extraordinary thing is that the Hunt did not perish with the old beliefs. It emigrated. Like so much European folklore, it crossed the Atlantic in the baggage of settlers, adapting itself to new landscapes and fresh imaginations. Somewhere between the Black Forest and the Black Hills, between Sherwood Forest and the Sierra Nevada, the ghostly riders exchanged mail armour for denim, spears for lassos and wolves for cattle.

The Wild Hunt became the Wild West.

No one realised this more completely than Stan Jones. When the Arizona park ranger wrote Ghost Riders in the Sky in 1948, he almost certainly knew he was drawing upon old frontier tales of phantom cattle drives. Whether he realised that those tales themselves descended from a mythology already a thousand years old is another matter. Yet the genealogy is unmistakable. Jones’s doomed cowboys pursuing a phantom herd across thunderclouds are Odin’s riders in Stetsons. Their burning cattle replace the wolves of the north. Their endless pursuit echoes precisely the fate awaiting those medieval hunters unfortunate enough to be swept into the spectral cavalcade.

In That Howling Infinite has paid tribute to this extraordinary song in A cowboy key – how the west was sung, describing it as perhaps the greatest of all cowboy ballads. It deserves the accolade. For all its American trappings, it reaches back through frontier folklore to the Book of Revelation and beyond that to the ancient forests of Europe. The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse gallop somewhere in the background, but so too does Herne beneath Windsor’s oak, Gwyn ap Nudd crossing the Welsh hills and Odin hurtling through Scandinavian skies.

It is one of those rare songs in which myth survives almost intact, merely changing hats.

Somewhere between Valhalla and the Rio Grande, the Wild Hunt learned to yodel. And the Devil, one suspects, thoroughly approved.

Ghost Riders in the Sky, Jenning Berge

The Devil Sings

Their brands were still on fire and their hooves were made of steel
Their horns were black and shiny and their hot breath he could feel
A bolt of fear went through him as they thundered through the sky
For he saw the riders coming hard and he heard their mournful cry
Stan Jones, Ghost Riders in the Sky

It has often been said, only half in jest, that the Devil gets all the best songs.

God, to be fair, has hardly been neglected. He has inspired Gregorian chant, Bach’s Passions, Handel’s Messiah, Haydn’s Creation, Verdi’s Requiem, the African-American spiritual, the Welsh hymn, the Gospel choir and enough Christmas carols to keep shopping centres in business from November onwards. Heaven has produced magnificent music.

But Hell swings.

There is something about Old Nick that seems to appeal irresistibly to musicians. He crops up in folk songs, murder ballads, spirituals, blues, country, jazz, rock and heavy metal with a persistence that borders upon the supernatural. One begins to suspect that if Lucifer really was once Heaven’s brightest angel, his expulsion may not have deprived him of music at all. It merely changed the repertoire.

it was not for nothing that Rock and roll was called “the devil’s music”. its driving rhythms, rebellious energy, and provocative dancing directly challenged conservative religious and social norms. Emerging from African American blues, the genre inherited a reputation for sinfulness due to its associations with marginalized spaces, nightlife, and earthy themes

Perhaps rebellion simply has a better rhythm.

The same bargain resurfaced centuries later at a lonely crossroads in Mississippi.

The oldest of these musical bargains belongs, naturally enough, to Doctor Faustus. Christopher Marlowe first dramatised the medieval legend of the ambitious scholar who traded his immortal soul for worldly knowledge and pleasure, Goethe transformed him into one of the great figures of European literature, and Charles Gounod clothed the story in glorious French Romantic opera. Yet in every version it is Mephistopheles who steals the show. Bass-baritones relish the role because villains invariably enjoy the better music. The Devil not only gets the best lines; he often gets the best arias as well.

Whether Robert Johnson actually met Satan one moonlit night sometime in the 1930s is almost entirely beside the point. Legends endure because they express truths that facts cannot. Johnson had been an unremarkable guitarist. He disappeared for a time and returned astonishingly accomplished. Rural gossip supplied the explanation. He had met the Devil at the crossroads and exchanged his soul for musical genius.

Thus, America reinvented Faust,

The crossroads itself is an ancient place of magic in European folklore, where roads – and destinies – the River of Song as the Mississippi has been called, where spirits linger and bargains are struck. The myth crossed the Atlantic with everything else, put on denim overalls, acquired a battered Gibson guitar and gave birth to the Delta Blues.

From there it was only a short journey to Georgia.

Charlie Daniels’ exuberant The Devil Went Down to Georgia is really another version of the old contest tales in which ordinary mortals outwit supernatural adversaries. The Devil, looking for “a soul to steal”, challenges a young fiddler to a musical duel and, for once, comes second. There is something wonderfully democratic about the story. Lucifer may be older than Creation itself, but he can still be shown up by a country boy with a fiddle and sufficient confidence in his own abilities.

English folk music had anticipated the idea centuries earlier in The False Knight Upon the Road. A mysterious stranger repeatedly attempts to intimidate a child with riddles and threats, only to be calmly answered at every turn until the False Knight – widely interpreted as the Devil himself – is finally driven away in defeat. The old stories were surprisingly optimistic. The Devil might be clever, but he was not unbeatable.

Nor, for that matter, was he always entirely sinister.

By the time we reach the twentieth century he has become positively urbane.

The Rolling Stones’ Sympathy for the Devil remains perhaps the most brilliant reinvention of Lucifer in popular music. Jagger’s narrator is no horned medieval monster but an impeccably dressed gentleman of “wealth and taste”, strolling through history with dry amusement as empires rise, revolutions unfold and humanity repeatedly demonstrates its extraordinary capacity for cruelty. The Devil scarcely claims responsibility for our crimes. He merely observes them with professional interest. It is a profoundly unsettling conceit because the song quietly suggests that mankind requires remarkably little assistance.

Gun’s hectic Race With the Devil, released in the same annus mirabilis of 1968, approaches the old fellow from a different angle altogether. Here the Devil is not the urbane observer but the relentless pursuer, forever hunting, forever closing the distance, echoing once again those ancient riders of the Wild Hunt thundering across medieval skies. The old folklore had merely acquired electric guitars.

Then there is Leonard Cohen.

No modern songwriter returned more often – or more thoughtfully % to biblical imagery. Yet Cohen’s Devil becomes progressively less external and more intimate. In Treaty, the serpent sheds his skin only to discover “the snake within”. Evil is no longer an adversary encountered in lonely wildernesses, but an inheritance carried beneath one’s own skin. In one of his final songs, with characteristic wit, Cohen quietly inverts centuries of iconography: now “the angel’s got a fiddle, the devil’s got a harp.” The celestial and infernal orchestras have exchanged instruments. Nothing, it seems, remains quite where tradition left it.

Freddie Mercury, never knowingly guilty of understatement, transformed Beelzebub into operatic theatre in Bohemian Rhapsody. The Devil appears only fleetingly amid Galileo, Scaramouche and heavenly choirs, yet somehow manages to dominate one of the most extraordinary six minutes in rock history. That, too, seems entirely appropriate. Old Nick has always had impeccable comic timing.

Tom Waits, all gravel and bourbon, frequently sounds as though he has spent an evening drinking with the Devil in some forgotten dockside bar. Nick Cave has made an entire career exploring the uneasy frontier where scripture, murder ballad and Southern Gothic overlap: “He’s a god, he’s a man, he’s a ghost, he’s a guru. They’re whispering his name through this disappearing land. But hidden in his coat is a red right hand”.

Even heavy metal, with its adolescent flirtations with pentagrams and infernal imagery, owes less to genuine Satanism than to the enduring theatrical appeal of Lucifer as the ultimate outsider. The Devil, one suspects, appreciates good publicity wherever he can find it.

Which brings us back to the Wild Hunt.

Stan Jones’s Ghost Riders in the Sky deserves to stand alongside these classics not because it mentions the Devil directly, and scarcely needs to, but because it preserves one of humanity’s oldest supernatural narratives in modern musical dress. Those spectral cowboys pursuing phantom cattle across storm clouds are descendants of Odin’s riders, Herne’s hunters and the Four Horsemen themselves. The song is medieval Europe galloping beneath the vast skies of Arizona. Like all the finest folk songs, it remembers far more than its author probably realised.

How the West Was Sung describes it as perhaps the finest of all cowboy ballads. It is as far removed from cheerful campfire songs of wandering dogies as Kansas is from the Land of Oz. Beneath its Western saddle leather beats the heart of an ancient myth.

And, if I may be forgiven a personal indulgence, somewhere among all these songs sits several of my own.

My first serious encounter with Lucifer in music came not through rock and roll but through Gordon Giltrap’s haunting instrumental Lucifer’s Cage. Introduced to me by an old friend in a London flat sometime in the early 1970s, its title lodged quietly in the imagination for years before eventually emerging, almost unbidden, in a song of my own song of that name. Dante contributed the pillar of ice. Marlowe lent his melancholy. Milton supplied the fallen archangel. The rest belonged to memory, dreams and the peculiar alchemy by which songs occasionally write themselves.

Lucifer appeared again years later in Devil’s Work, though by then he had become something rather different. Summoned before the bar of humanity to answer for every cruelty committed in his name, Satan calmly pleads not guilty. Men, he observes with devastating logic, have proved perfectly capable of atrocity without supernatural assistance. He does not deny admiring the results. He merely disputes authorship.

The old rogue may even have a case. Which perhaps explains why he continues to haunt our music.

Songs, after all, thrive on conflict. They delight in temptation, regret, betrayal, longing, rebellion and redemption – the very emotions that have always formed the Devil’s stock-in-trade. Heaven may provide perfection, but perfection is notoriously difficult to rhyme. Hell, by contrast, offers endless narrative possibilities.

Lucifer may have been expelled from the heavenly choir,  but he appears to have landed squarely in the music business. And business, judging by the catalogue, has been remarkably good ever since.

The Devil’s trick

For his is the language of liars
And his is the honour of thieves
And he is the master of eloquence
As the last of the honest men leaves.

Paul Hemphill. Lucifer  

The “pillar of ice”, by the wThe oldest image of evil is not always the monster at the gate or the tyrant upon the throne. More often, it is the quiet voice at the shoulder: the tempter, the whisperer, the insinuator who does not command but suggests; who does not force the hand but gently guides it. The devil’s greatest achievement is rarely the invention of falsehood. It is the art of making falsehood appear attractive, sophisticated, inevitable, even virtuous.

C.S. Lewis understood this ancient pattern with remarkable clarity. In The Screwtape Letters, the infernal bureaucracy does not operate through crude declarations of evil. The tempter’s craft is subtler. It lies in rearranging perceptions, encouraging vanity, disguising weakness as strength, and persuading people that they are acting from reason when they are often responding to pride, fashion, fear, or the desire to belong.

The danger, Lewis suggests, is not merely that people hold mistaken ideas. Human beings have always been capable of error. The deeper danger is when ideas become ornaments of identity rather than conclusions reached through reflection. A philosophy becomes attractive because it feels modern, daring, compassionate, rebellious, or intellectually fashionable. The question shifts from “Is this true?” to “What does believing this say about me?”

This is the realm of the whisperer. The whisperer does not need to overthrow reason; he merely needs to distract it. He surrounds the mind with fragments: a little fashionable theory here, a borrowed slogan there, a moral certainty imported from someone else. Contradictions can coexist comfortably because coherence is less important than belonging. The result is not always a carefully constructed worldview, but a collection of convictions assembled from the cultural atmosphere.

The genius of the tempter is that he rarely presents himself as the enemy. He arrives disguised as enlightenment, liberation, sophistication, or courage. He flatters rather than threatens. He tells people they are not merely correct, but among the few who truly understand. The oldest temptation is not simply to do wrong; it is to believe oneself too wise, too moral, or too enlightened to be mistaken.

This brings to mind another great literary figure of the whispering world: Lord Varys, the “Master of Whisperers” in Game of Thrones. Varys is not a demon, nor is he portrayed simply as a villain. His power lies in information, influence, and his ability to move unseen through the corridors of power. He understands that kingdoms are often shaped less by armies than by rumours, perceptions, and carefully planted ideas.. Varys understood the theatre of power; he understood that information itself was a weapon and that every ruler lives inside a carefully constructed reality. His web of informants becomes a metaphor for the invisible forces that govern human affairs

The “Master of Whisperers” is an old archetype. Behind the throne sits the counsellor, the adviser, the confidant who knows that shaping the mind of the ruler can be more powerful than commanding the ruler’s army. In that sense, Varys belongs to the same long tradition as the court intriguer, the Mephistophelean tempter, and the old folkloric figure who appears at the crossroads offering knowledge, power, or forbidden wisdom.

Perhaps that is why the archetype endures. From the serpent in Eden to Mephistopheles, from Shakespeare’s Iago to Varys, the whisperer represents a profound truth about human nature: we are not only creatures who seek truth; we are creatures who seek stories about ourselves. The most dangerous lies are often not those imposed upon us, but those we welcome because they confirm the person we wish to be.

The devil’s trick, then, is not simply deception. It is seduction. It is convincing us that the voice in the shadows is our own.

Satanic Majesties and the lure of the dark side …

Please allow me to introduce myself
I’m a man of wealth and taste
I’ve been around for a long, long year
Stole many a man’s soul and faith
The Rolling Stones, Sympathy for the Devil (1968)

Which brings is tangentially to “devil worship”, whether in cosplay or for real, and why has had and continues to exert an attraction to folks of a certain “disposition”. Hence in pop culture, we have The Rolling Stones using the concept to distinguish themselves from the more saccharine (though brilliant) Sergeant Pepper, and the movies – particularly those dealing with the immanence of the Antichrist.

It is a fascinating tangent because “devil worship” has almost never been primarily about the Devil. More often, it is about rebellion, transgression, power, or the seduction of forbidden knowledge. Satan becomes a mirror in which each age sees the things it most fears—or secretly desires.

The attraction begins with the nature of Lucifer himself. Unlike the grotesque medieval devil of horns and pitchforks, Lucifer is the most compelling character in the Christian imagination after Christ. He is beautiful, intelligent, eloquent, proud, charismatic. 17th Century John Milton’s Paradise Lost transformed him into one of literature’s great antiheroes, whose defiant declaration, “Better to reign in Hell than serve in Heaven”, has echoed through centuries of political revolutionaries, Romantic poets, and rock musicians alike. William Blake famously remarked that Milton “was of the Devil’s party without knowing it.” Whether or not Blake was right, Milton unintentionally gave Satan much of the best dialogue.

That ambiguity proved irresistible to the Romantics. The poets Byron, Shelley, and later Baudelaire saw Lucifer not simply as the embodiment of evil but as the eternal rebel against authority. One need not approve of Satan to recognise the psychological appeal. Every adolescent has, at some point, imagined themselves misunderstood by a hypocritical world. Lucifer becomes the patron saint of alienation.

This is where “devil worship” divides into several distinct streams.

The first is largely theatrical. Heavy metal, gothic fashion, horror films, occult imagery, black clothing, inverted crosses, and pentagrams function less as professions of faith than as cultural shorthand for danger, independence, and shock. Alice Cooper, Black Sabbath, Iron Maiden, Ghost, and countless others have mined this aesthetic. Most participants have little interest in metaphysical evil; they are enjoying the iconography of rebellion.

The Rolling Stones understood this perfectly. In 1967, Their Satanic Majesties Request was less an endorsement of Satanism than a calculated provocation. It was impossible not to hear it as a response to the Beatles’ Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band. Where the Beatles embraced colourful optimism and psychedelic innocence, the Stones offered something darker, more decadent, more dangerous. Their image became one of sex, drugs, excess and moral ambiguity.

The following year they released Sympathy for the Devil,  perhaps the greatest popular song ever written from Satan’s perspective. Yet the song is not a hymn to evil. Jagger’s Lucifer is an urbane observer of human history, politely introducing himself while recounting the crimes of mankind. The genius lies in the reversal. The Devil scarcely needs to tempt us; humanity supplies ample atrocities of its own. As the refrain insists, “after all, it was you and me.” The devil becomes less the author of evil than its ironic narrator.

Then there is genuine religious Satanism, which is rarer than popular imagination assumes.

Anton LaVey’s Church of Satan, founded in 1966, was largely atheistic. Satan was treated as a symbol of individualism, rational self-interest, scepticism toward religious authority, and personal freedom rather than as a literal supernatural being. In many ways it inverted Christian morality without necessarily believing in Christian cosmology.

Far more obscure are small groups that genuinely venerate Satan as a real spiritual being. They exist, but their numbers have always been tiny. The “Satanic Panic” of the 1980s vastly exaggerated their influence, fuelled by moral panic, unreliable testimony, and sensationalist media.

More enduring has been the cinematic Satan.

Modern horror discovered that the Devil works best not as a monster but as an absence – an invisible intelligence corrupting ordinary life. Rosemary’s Baby (1968) suggested evil could inhabit respectable Manhattan apartments. The Exorcist (1973) brought demonic possession into a suburban family, terrifying audiences because faith itself seemed uncertain. The Omen (1976) imagined the Antichrist not as a horned beast but as an innocent-looking child quietly ascending to political power. The horror lay precisely in the inversion: evil wearing the face of innocence.

It seemed appropriate that The Devil’s address was 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. These films appeared during an era of collapsing confidence – in churches, governments, families, and institutions. Watergate, Vietnam, social upheaval, the sexual revolution: Western culture was asking whether the old moral certainties still held. The Antichrist became a metaphor for the fear that civilisation itself might contain the seeds of its own destruction.

The Omen (1976)

The fascination continues because Satan remains one of Western culture’s richest symbols. He can signify tyranny or liberation, temptation or freedom, narcissism or resistance, depending on the storyteller. Like Prometheus stealing fire from the gods, he embodies humanity’s perennial temptation to cross boundaries simply because they exist.

Psychology adds another layer. Carl Jung argued that every personality possesses a “shadow” – those impulses we deny or repress. Healthy people acknowledge their shadow rather than pretend it does not exist. Much popular engagement with Satanic imagery can be understood as an exploration of that shadow. Horror allows us to confront evil at a safe distance. Rock music permits us to flirt with darkness while remaining within the bounds of performance. It is ritualised transgression.

The danger, however, comes when performance ceases to be performance. Nietzsche warned that “he who fights with monsters should see to it that he himself does not become a monster.” Jung similarly cautioned that confronting the shadow is not the same as identifying with it. One may explore darkness without enthroning it.

Perhaps that is why the Devil remains culturally immortal. God asks for worship; Satan offers fascination. God commands obedience; Satan whispers autonomy. God speaks of redemption; Satan promises self-realisation without limits. Whether one believes in him literally or not, Lucifer continues to embody one of humanity’s oldest temptations: not simply to do evil, but to imagine ourselves beyond the distinction between good and evil.

There is an irony here that would not have been lost on the medieval theologians. Much of what passes for “Satanism” in modern culture is less a rejection of Christianity than a backhanded tribute to it. The Devil has meaning only in a civilisation shaped by the biblical story. As Christianity’s cultural influence has waned, Satan has often survived more successfully than the saints. He has become detached from theology and reborn as an endlessly adaptable icon—part Romantic rebel, part existential outsider, part Hollywood villain, part rock star.

For all the glamour, however, the traditional Christian understanding ends with an unexpectedly mundane observation. Satan’s greatest trick is not horns, black masses, or spectacular evil. It is persuading us that evil is glamorous, liberating, sophisticated, or somehow more interesting than goodness. The Devil, in this view, is the supreme salesman: he packages pride as freedom, selfishness as authenticity, and rebellion as wisdom. His marketing, one might say, has always been better than his product.

That may explain why, from Milton to Mick Jagger, from Rosemary’s Baby to The Omen, Lucifer continues to stride across our cultural stage. The costumes change with every generation, but the role remains the same: the eternal seducer, inviting us to peek over the edge – not always to push us off, but to persuade us that the view from the abyss is somehow more exciting than the long, ordinary climb toward the light.

Crossing the Threshold

It was in another lifetime, one of toil and blood
When blackness was a virtue the road was full of mud
I came in from the wilderness, a creature void of form
“Come in, ” she said “I’ll give you shelter from the storm”
Bob Dylan

There is an old rule that appears again and again in the folklore of Europe. A vampire, however ancient or powerful, cannot cross the threshold of a home unless invited. It is a curious limitation for a creature that can command wolves, transform into mist, mesmerise its victims and seemingly defy death itself. Yet before the simplest cottage door, all that supernatural power comes to nothing. It must wait. It must ask. Someone within must choose to open the door.

The convention has endured from the pages of Bram Stoker’s Dracula to the worlds of Stephen King, Anne Rice and Buffy the Vampire Slayer. We accept it almost without question because, beneath the gothic trappings, it expresses something profoundly human. The threshold is more than wood and stone. It is the boundary between safety and danger, innocence and experience, trust and betrayal. To cross it without permission would be mere violence. To be invited across is something altogether more unsettling.

The ancient motif has not disappeared from contemporary storytelling. John Ajvide Lindqvist’s novel Let the Right One In, and the haunting 2008 Swedish film that followed, take the old vampire prohibition and transform it into a moral question. The issue is no longer simply whether we invite someone across the threshold, but whether we possess the wisdom to know whom we are inviting. Every act of welcome carries the possibility of grace or ruin. The threshold remains sacred because, once crossed, neither host nor guest is quite the same again.

Perhaps this explains why the Devil, in so many traditions, is less a conqueror than a seducer. Lucifer does not usually arrive with an army at his back. He comes with a question, a promise, a whispered doubt. In Eden, he offers knowledge. In the wilderness, he offers power. In Goethe’s Faust, he offers fulfilment. The bargain changes with the age, but the method rarely does. The invitation is always voluntary. The victim believes the choice is entirely his own.

John Milton understood this better than most. In Paradise Lost,  Satan’s greatest victory is not won on the battlefield but in the imagination. He persuades others that rebellion is freedom, that pride is dignity, that disobedience is enlightenment. His triumph lies not in overpowering his enemies but in teaching them to mistake temptation for liberation.

This is one of the oldest insights of the Judeo-Christian tradition. Evil rarely appears wearing its own face. It arrives clothed in reason, justice, beauty, necessity or compassion. It flatters before it threatens. It persuades before it commands. It waits patiently upon the threshold until someone inside unlatches the door.

That ancient intuition has never really left us. Even in a largely secular age, our stories continue to insist that darkness cannot simply seize us. Dracula must be welcomed. The Ring must be claimed. The White Witch tempts Edmund with enchanted sweetness. Darth Vader invites Luke to join him. Hannibal Lecter enters Clarice Starling’s mind long before he ever escapes his cell. The forms change, but the pattern remains remarkably constant. The greatest victories of darkness are achieved not by force but by consent.

Perhaps this is why these stories continue to resonate. They are not really about vampires or devils at all. They are about us. We like to imagine that evil comes from somewhere beyond the horizon, an alien force that erupts into ordinary lives. Folklore suggests otherwise. It waits politely outside, asking only to be admitted. More often than we care to acknowledge, we are the ones who turn the handle.

It is a disturbing thought, for it shifts the battleground. The struggle between good and evil is no longer fought in distant heavens between angels and demons. It takes place at the threshold of every human heart. The decisive moment is not when the Dark Lord appears, but when we recognise the quiet voice that says, Just this once. No one will know. You deserve this. Come with me.

And that raises an even more uncomfortable possibility. If the Devil depends upon our invitation, if the darkness enters because we allow it to enter, then perhaps the most frightening encounter is not with some horned apparition lurking beyond the doorway.

The dark magic of Fairy Tales

And what hills, what hills are those, my love
Those hills so dark and low?
Those are the hills of hell, my love
Where you and I must go
House Carpenter (The Daemon Lover), Laurence Price (1657)

Perhaps this is why fairy tales have proved so enduring. Not the diminutive winged fairies of modern fantasy, nor the escapist worlds of contemporary fiction, but the old literary tales of Perrault, the Brothers Grimm, Hans Christian Andersen and the countless anonymous storytellers whose voices echo through the centuries. These were never merely stories for children. They were repositories of collective memory, preserving in symbolic form those hard truths about human nature that every generation must rediscover for itself.

Their lessons are remarkably consistent. Do not wander carelessly from the path. Beware the stranger whose charm conceals darker intentions. Be wary of gifts that appear too generous, bargains that seem too easy, promises that flatter your deepest desires. Little Red Riding Hood trusts the Wolf. Hansel and Gretel are tempted by sweetness. Bluebeard forbids the one door that curiosity cannot resist. Snow White accepts the poisoned apple from a smiling hand. Again and again, the stories remind us that evil rarely presents itself as evil. It arrives disguised as opportunity, pleasure, beauty, knowledge or kindness.

Yet alongside these literary fairy tales runs an older and stranger tradition, carried not in children’s books but in the folk songs and ballads of the Celtic lands. Here the threshold leads not to vampires or devils but to Faërie, that mysterious realm which is neither wholly benevolent nor wholly malign, but profoundly Other.

This is not the miniature world of charming sprites and decorative enchantment that later ages would create, but the older Faerie of folklore: a place of wonder and peril, beauty and terror, where the boundaries between the human world and the unknown become uncertain. It is the realm Tolkien described in On Fairy-Stories not as an escape into childish fantasy, but as an encounter with a deeper reality at the edge of the human imagination.

The old ballads return to this theme with remarkable persistence. In Tam Lin, Janet ventures into the haunted wood of Carterhaugh and confronts the Fairy Queen herself to reclaim the man she loves [There’s a wonderful recounting of the story here in this entertaining blog post.  In Thomas the Rhymer, the poet follows the Queen of Elfland beneath the Eildon Hills, exchanging the familiar world for one where time and truth obey altogether different laws. What is it about Fairy Queens. Something to do with Lilith, who we introduced in Lucifer Descending? And in the haunting ballad of The House Carpenter, often known as The Daemon Lover, a mysterious stranger returns from the past, offering riches, adventure and escape from an ordinary life. The woman accepts his invitation, only to discover too late that she has embarked upon a voyage from which there will be no safe return. There is a fine version of House Capenter by Tim and Molly Obrien at the end of this article,

Whether these enigmatic, supernatural figures are fairies, spirits or the Devil himself is almost beside the point. They belong to that older landscape of myth where temptation rarely appears in monstrous form. It comes instead as beauty, longing, nostalgia or desire – the whispered promise that happiness lies just beyond the next horizon. The threshold is crossed willingly, the protagonist stepping beyond the known world into a place where the he or she returns changed, if they return at all; and the cost is understood only when, as in House Carpenter, the familiar shore has disappeared from sight.

Tam Lin and the Faery Host.Stephanie Pui-Mun Law

The danger is not always wickedness, but enchantment itself: the loss of home, identity, memory and the comforting certainties of ordinary life. The Fair Folk do not necessarily seek to destroy mortals; their peril lies in their indifference to human limits and human time. They belong to an older order of existence, one that fascinates precisely because it cannot be reduced to our categories of good and evil.

Like Lucifer, the Folk of Faerie seldom arrive as monsters. They are beautiful, alluring and irresistible. They invite rather than compel. The traveller accepts shelter for a night, follows a haunting melody into the greenwood, or rides with a mysterious stranger beneath the moon, only to awaken in a world where familiar landmarks have vanished and time itself has become unmoored. The old ballads understood, as surely as the theologians, that the most perilous journeys begin not with violence but with invitation.

It is a vision that would have been familiar to Tolkien, to Yeats and to the anonymous singers who carried these stories through generations: Faërie is not a place of escape from reality, but a place where reality is seen more clearly. It reminds us that mystery still exists, that wonder can be dangerous, and that every threshold crossed carries the possibility of transformation.

That is why these tales continue to speak to us long after we have ceased believing in enchanted forests, wicked witches, talking beasts or the hidden kingdoms beneath the hills. Their monsters and enchantments are symbols, and symbols possess a curious longevity. The Wolf is not simply a wolf; he is deception. The Witch is not merely an old woman in the woods; she is temptation. The Dragon is not just a beast to be slain; it is fear itself. The Fair Folk are not simply supernatural beings; they embody the irresistible allure of the unknown, the longing to escape the ordinary, and the price that is so often paid for crossing forbidden thresholds. Like Lucifer himself, they endure because they give form to forces that are otherwise difficult to describe.

The genius of these stories lies in their refusal to preach. They do not offer philosophical arguments or theological treatises. Instead, they invite us to recognise ourselves. They speak in the language of metaphor, where wisdom lingers long after the details have faded from memory. We remember the path through the forest, the forbidden door, the poisoned fruit, the moonlit crossroads and the welcoming hearth because they are landmarks within the landscape of our own lives.

Perhaps that is why humanity has never abandoned these tales. We do not return to them because we believe that vampires cannot cross a threshold uninvited, that wolves converse with little girls, or that the Queen of Elfland still rides abroad on Halloween. We return because they express, with unsettling clarity, something we know instinctively but are reluctant to admit: the greatest dangers seldom arrive by force. More often, they are welcomed. The oldest monsters ask permission before they enter, and the hand that lifts the latch is usually our own.

If that is true, then the threshold is not merely the doorway of a cottage, a castle or a haunted house. It is the boundary of the self. The decisive struggle is not between angels and demons in some distant heaven, but within every human heart. The Dark Lord may wait outside, but someone must always open the door.

And when we ask who it was that welcomed him in, we find ourselves confronted by the most disquieting image of all: a face in the mirror.

The Face in the Mirror

So where, finally, does all this leave Lucifer?

After all the centuries, all the sermons and theological arguments, all the paintings, sculptures, poems, novels, films and songs, we are left with a rather unsettling possibility: perhaps the Devil’s greatest achievement was not persuading humanity that he existed, but persuading humanity that evil always belonged somewhere else.

The enduring appeal of Lucifer lies partly in his usefulness. He gives us somewhere to place the things we find hardest to explain about ourselves. When the world becomes cruel, when individuals commit acts of extraordinary brutality, when societies descend into hatred and violence, we instinctively look for a monster. We want a face, a name, a single embodiment of wickedness upon whom we can project all that we fear and despise. The serpent in Eden, the horned tempter at the crossroads, the Dark Lord in his fortress, the tyrant in his palace: these figures offer a reassuring simplicity. Defeat the villain, destroy the source of corruption, restore the natural order, and the world is made whole again.

History, however, has rarely been so obliging.

The twentieth century, the most technologically advanced age humanity had yet created, also produced some of the most terrible examples of human cruelty. It did not require supernatural intervention. It manufactured its own infernos through ideology, bureaucracy and obedience. The great crimes of the modern age were not committed by demons emerging from the shadows, but by human beings who believed themselves to be serving higher purposes. The machinery of death was designed not only by fanatics but by administrators; not only by monsters but by ordinary men who convinced themselves that their actions were necessary, inevitable or even virtuous.

This was the disturbing insight behind Hannah Arendt’s famous reflections on Adolf Eichmann and the “banality of evil”. Evil did not always announce itself with theatrical menace. It did not always arrive wearing horns and carrying a pitchfork. Sometimes it appeared in a grey suit, spoke in measured tones and filled out forms. Sometimes it hid behind procedure, ideology and obedience. The most frightening villains are not always those who know they are evil, but those who have persuaded themselves that they are doing good.

The Devil, one suspects, would have appreciated the irony.

For centuries humanity has blamed him for our darkest impulses, yet he might reasonably argue that he has often been given rather more credit than he deserves. He has been accused of starting wars, corrupting rulers, tempting sinners and poisoning societies, but mankind has demonstrated a remarkable capacity for invention when it comes to cruelty. Lucifer may have whispered in the ear, but humanity has frequently supplied the imagination, the ambition and the machinery.

This is the argument at the heart of my own earlier song Devil’s Work, where I imagined Lucifer brought before the tribunal of humanity to answer for all that had been done in his name. His defence was not that he was innocent in any moral sense, but that mankind had misunderstood his role. He was the convenient explanation, the eternal scapegoat, the mythical culprit upon whom humanity could place the burden of its own failings. The tyrants, the torturers and the conquerors had not required his instruction. They had acted according to their own desires, their own fears and their own visions of power.

Lucifer’s argument, uncomfortable as it may be, contains a warning. If we imagine evil solely as something external, we risk ignoring the darker possibilities within ourselves. We are comforted by the idea that the Devil is someone else: the enemy, the stranger, the fanatic on the other side of the border, the person whose beliefs we find abhorrent. Yet history repeatedly demonstrates that the line between righteousness and cruelty is not always as clearly marked as we would like to believe.

The old proverb warns us, “Don’t let the Devil ride, for if he rides long enough, he will want to drive.” But perhaps the deeper lesson is that the Devil does not always need to seize the reins. Sometimes we hand them over willingly, convinced that we are travelling towards some noble destination.

This is why Milton’s Lucifer remains such a powerful creation. The genius of Paradise Lost was not that it gave us a monster, but that it gave us a personality. Milton’s Satan is seductive because he possesses qualities we recognise: intelligence, ambition, courage, eloquence and a fierce sense of grievance. His tragedy is not that he lacks greatness, but that greatness becomes corrupted by pride. The brightest of angels falls because he cannot accept that he is not the centre of the universe.

And perhaps that is why Lucifer continues to fascinate us. He is not merely the personification of evil. He is the personification of self-deception. He represents the dangerous human capacity to transform ambition into destiny, resentment into righteousness and cruelty into necessity. He is the voice that assures every Dark Lord, from Sauron “in the land Mordor where the shadows lie”, to the tyrants of history, that he is not the villain of his own story.

W.H. Auden understood this with characteristic precision. The story is told that, after his return to the Anglican faith in which he had been raised, he once asked a Sunday school class if they knew what the Devil looked like. The expected answer was probably some variation of the traditional image: horns, tail, pitchfork and sulphurous breath. Instead, Auden replied: “The Devil looks like me.”

Whether the anecdote is exact or embellished, its truth is unmistakable. It captures something that theologians, poets and philosophers have wrestled with for centuries. The Devil is frightening not because he is alien, but because he is familiar. He does not merely lurk in some distant infernal kingdom. He exists in the ordinary human capacity for vanity, cruelty, resentment and self-justification.

Which brings us back to Mick Jagger’s immortal introduction: “Please allow me to introduce myself.” The Devil who appears in Sympathy for the Devil is not a medieval demon but a sophisticated observer of history, a gentleman who has watched empires rise and fall, revolutions become tyrannies and ideals become excuses for violence. His greatest trick is not that he causes humanity’s crimes, but that he knows humanity is perfectly capable of committing them without his assistance.

Perhaps that is why Lucifer refuses to disappear.

Religions may change. Churches may empty. Old cosmologies may fade. Yet the questions that created Lucifer remain stubbornly alive. Why do human beings seek power? Why do we justify cruelty? Why do we convince ourselves that our own darkness is righteous? Why do we so often recognise evil most clearly in others while overlooking it within ourselves?

These are not merely theological questions. They are human questions.

Lucifer survives because he is more than a devil. He is a metaphor for the eternal struggle between our aspirations and our appetites, between the angels we imagine ourselves to be and the creatures we sometimes become.

He falls from Heaven in the old stories. He rises again in every generation’s imagination. He changes his name, his appearance and his costume. He becomes Satan, Mephistopheles, Sauron, Vader, Palpatine, the Joker, the Big Bad, the outlaw, the rebel, the rock star and the shadow at the edge of the road.

But perhaps his most enduring incarnation is the simplest: He has the potential to be face in the mirror.

René Magritte, Not to be Reproduced (1937)

Coda: The Devil’s Human Victims

One final reflection. For all the glamour that Lucifer has acquired in literature, music and popular culture, there is another story—far less entertaining and infinitely more tragic—that shadows his long ascent through the Western imagination.

If the Devil has inspired some of our greatest poetry, our darkest cinema and our most provocative rock music, belief in his earthly agents has also left a trail of blood.

The medieval world certainly knew religious persecution, but it was during the supposedly enlightened ages of the Renaissance and the Reformation that Europe’s obsession with Satan reached its murderous zenith. Between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries, tens of thousands of people—overwhelmingly women, though not exclusively—were executed as witches. Catholics and Protestants alike proved equally susceptible to the conviction that the Devil walked among them, recruiting servants through pacts, sabbaths and sorcery. Learned judges, theologians and magistrates, armed with books such as the infamous Malleus Maleficarum, lent intellectual respectability to fear, while torture transformed suspicion into confession. The Renaissance, which celebrated reason and rediscovered classical learning, was paradoxically also an age of extraordinary credulity.

Nor was Europe alone in projecting the image of the Devil onto those it neither understood nor trusted. Across the Middle East, minority faiths have long borne the burden of misunderstanding. The Yazidis, whose reverence for Melek Taus—the Peacock Angel—has repeatedly been misrepresented as “devil worship”, have endured centuries of persecution, culminating in the genocidal campaign waged by ISIS in 2014. The Druze, too, because of the esoteric nature of their beliefs, have often been regarded with suspicion and, at various times, suffered discrimination and violence at the hands of those who judged them through the lens of orthodoxy rather than understanding. Similar accusations have echoed through history against countless other minorities, where ignorance and fear have proved more potent than theology.

The pattern is painfully familiar. Societies under stress seek an enemy within. The Devil rarely appears in person; instead, he is said to wear the face of the outsider, the dissenter, the heretic, the foreigner, the eccentric woman living on the edge of the village, or the obscure community whose customs remain mysterious. To accuse another of serving Satan has often been less a statement of faith than a licence to persecute.

There is a profound irony here. In the biblical narrative, Satan is ha-satan—the Accuser. Yet throughout history it has been human beings who have most enthusiastically assumed that role. Convinced they were defending God against the Devil, they have inflicted upon one another torments that no demon could have devised more effectively.

Perhaps that is the final paradox of Lucifer Ascending. The Devil’s greatest triumph has never been to persuade people to worship him. Such cases have always been vanishingly rare. His more enduring legacy has been to persuade men and women that they alone possess absolute certainty about who serves the powers of darkness. Once that conviction takes hold, compassion yields to righteousness, neighbours become enemies, and persecution begins with the comforting belief that one is acting in the service of Good.

Milton gave Lucifer the finest speeches. The Romantics made him a hero. Hollywood turned him into an icon. Rock music made him fashionable. Yet history offers a quieter, sadder lesson. The true tragedy of the Devil is not found in black masses or satanic cults, but in the countless innocent lives destroyed by those who imagined they could see him reflected in the faces of others.

And so the story comes full circle. The mirror in which we thought we glimpsed the Prince of Darkness reveals, instead, ourselves, and what began, for me, as a literary diversion, a frolic through mythology, theology and popular culture, has ended somewhere altogether less comfortable.

I had imagined this essay as an exploration of one of Western civilisation’s most enduring characters: Lucifer as rebel, tempter, antihero and cultural icon; the Devil of Milton and Goethe, of Blake and Baudelaire, of The Rolling Stones, Hollywood and heavy metal. It was, at first, an exercise in intellectual curiosity – a walk through the darker galleries of our collective imagination. Yet, as so often happens, the journey led elsewhere.

For behind the poetry, the music and the mythology lay a far more sobering truth. The Devil’s greatest appearances have rarely been in cathedrals, black masses or horror films, but in history itself: in witch trials, inquisitions, pogroms, persecutions and genocides, wherever one group has become convinced that another is not merely mistaken, but evil incarnate.

The realisation is a melancholy one. Perhaps Lucifer’s most enduring triumph has never been to persuade humanity to believe in him, nor even to worship him, but to persuade us that we know precisely where evil resides – and that it is always somewhere else.

That is a comforting thought. It is also one of the most dangerous.

In the end, I have come to suspect that the enduring power of the Lucifer story lies not in what it tells us about the Devil, but in what it reveals about ourselves. Every generation recreates him in its own image. Every age discovers him in its chosen enemies. Every certainty carries within it the temptation to become accusation.

What began as a fancy has ended as a cautionary tale. And, perhaps, that was the story waiting to be told all along.

Paul Hemphill, July 2026

This essay was written over several months from scattered notes and random thoughts formed and half-formed, and, more recently, in sustained dialogue with an AI language model which contributed to final drafting, The main influence was, of course, Lucifer Descending … encounters with the morning star, For but it owes it style and spirit to other indulgences in In That Howling Infinite, like It’s 3am and an hour of existential angst, Blue remembered hills – a land of lost contentment and The quiet teatime of the soul

Lucifer, star of the morning
Lucifer, prince of the night
Lucifer falling through darkness
Lucifer cast from the light.

Lucifer sits in his wasteland
Trapped in the cage of his pride
The sirens of importunate circumstance
Reclining in ranks by his side
Plots he has made, so ingenuous.
Dangerous follies and schemes
For he has stage-managed quite strenuous
Drunken prophecies, libels and dreams.

Lucifer frets in the wasteland
Locked in a pillar of ice
We know of this only to well
We have visited him there once or twice
For his is the language of liars
And his is the honour of thieves
And he is the master of eloquence
As the last of the honest men leaves.

Lucifer crawls from the wasteland
No solace or peace or rest.
For he has corrupted the wisest
And he has co-opted the best.
And all that is good has since vanished
And with it, the fair and the true
And the silences hurting his demon heart
Are haunting, haunting you.

And the road that winds out of Meggido
Is the path that leads to the pit
For Lucifer prizes a web of disguises
He merely selects one to fit.
And the road that runs down to Jericho
Is the path that leads him to you
And the paradox searing his demon soul
Is hunting, hunting you.

So make you no truce with Lucifer
Lucifer of fiery breath
For Lucifer is treachery
And treachery is death.

Lucifer, star of the morning
Lucifer, prince of the night
Lucifer falling through darkness
Lucifer cast from the light.

 

The Geography of Faith: America and the Gospel of Power

America is a country where you can drive from Damascus to Jerusalem via Jericho and Bethlehem without leaving the United States. Its map is littered with biblical names – geography of faith transplanted onto a new continent.

That was no accident. From the Puritans’ “city upon a hill” to Manifest Destiny and today’s Christian nationalism, Americans have repeatedly imagined their country as something more than a nation: a providential project, a New Jerusalem, a civilisation with a sacred inheritance.

But there is another America – the constitutional America, deliberately wary of the fusion of church and state; the pluralist America in which Christianity is one inheritance among many; and the America whose power is increasingly viewed abroad with scepticism.

This essay explores the curious convergence of a renewed intellectual interest in Christianity and Western civilisation, the muscular Christianity of the contemporary American Right, the crusader imagery of its warriors, the spectacle of the television evangelist, and the extraordinary political theology surrounding the Trump era.

At the heart of it is a simple question: what happens when a nation with immense material power begins to clothe that power in sacred language?

New Jerusalem

Look at a map of the United States and you can almost read the Bible in the place names. Bethlehem appears here, Jerusalem there; Jericho, Damascus, Nazareth, Salem, Shiloh, Zion, Hebron, Canaan, Goshen, Galilee, Gilead and Lebanon are scattered across the American landscape. Some are little more than dots on a map; others grew into substantial towns and cities. Together they form something more than a collection of quaint biblical echoes. They constitute a kind of geography of faith: a continent renamed, in part, through the vocabulary of Scripture.

America did not merely settle a new continent. It imagined itself within an ancient story.

The idea goes back to the earliest European settlers, particularly the Puritans, whose understanding of the New World was saturated with the language of Exodus, covenant, wilderness and the Promised Land. The voyage across the Atlantic could be imagined as an escape from bondage. The wilderness became a place of testing. The new settlement could become a covenanted community. America was not simply somewhere to live; it might become somewhere to begin again.

John Winthrop’s famous 1630 sermon, A Model of Christian Charity, gave the idea one of its enduring metaphors: the new community would be “as a city upon a hill”, watched by the world. The original meaning was less a declaration of American superiority than a warning about American responsibility. A people claiming a covenant with God would be judged by how it behaved.

Over time, however, the warning became a boast. The city upon the hill became the shining city upon the hill; the beacon became a claim to exceptionalism; and the American experiment acquired an increasingly providential character. The United States came to imagine itself not merely as a nation among nations but as a nation with a special mission.

This is one reason the idea of a New Jerusalem has such a deep resonance in the American imagination. The Book of Revelation promises a new heaven and a new earth, with the New Jerusalem descending from heaven. The old order passes away; the world is renewed; God dwells among humanity. It is the ultimate story of restoration.

America was, in a secular and political sense, another version of the same story: the old world left behind, a new world discovered, history apparently offering a second chance.

Europe had its cathedrals, dynasties, wars and accumulated centuries. America had the wilderness and the future.

And the wilderness was not empty.

That is where the mythology becomes more complicated. The promised land was already inhabited. The New Jerusalem was built through the displacement and dispossession of Native peoples. The language of Providence accompanied conquest. Manifest Destiny transformed territorial expansion into something that could be understood not simply as geopolitical ambition but as providential destiny.

The American frontier was therefore conquered with the Bible as much as the gun. The gun supplied the means; the Bible supplied, for many, the story.

This should not be reduced to cynical propaganda. Many of the people who settled the frontier genuinely believed that Providence was guiding them. They read their lives through Scripture. They named their settlements after biblical places. They understood victory and defeat, drought and harvest, migration and death within a scriptural framework. The preacher and the gunfighter could inhabit the same cultural universe.

The extraordinary thing is how durable that religious imagination has proved. The United States has repeatedly retold its national story in the language of fall, decline, threat, renewal and redemption. The names and metaphors change, but the narrative structure persists.

America sins; America suffers; America forgets itself; America is threatened; America awakens; America is restored.

It is almost a biblical narrative translated into political mythology.

From the city on the hill to muscular Christianity

This is the historical backdrop against which the contemporary revival of Christian language in American conservatism needs to be understood. It did not begin with Donald Trump, nor is it reducible to the phenomenon now labelled “Christian nationalism”. There has always been an American civil religion in which God, nation, freedom, sacrifice and destiny overlap.

What is new is the intensity with which some contemporary conservatives are seeking to recover Christianity not simply as private belief but as an explicit source of civilisational identity.

There has been, in parallel, an intellectual rediscovery of the Christian inheritance among thinkers who are not conventionally understood as theologians. British historian and co-host of the popular podcast The Rest is History, Tom Holland’s Dominion is perhaps the best-known example. His argument is essentially historical: many of the moral assumptions that modern secular Westerners regard as self-evidently universal – the dignity of the individual, the moral significance of the weak, equality before God, concern for the marginalised and suspicion of arbitrary power – were profoundly shaped by Christianity. See in In That Howling Infinite, Getting back to the garden – Tom Holland’s Dominion. The illustration at the head of this essay is taken from the cover of this thought-provoking book.

Historian Niall Ferguson and others have approached the question from somewhat different directions, examining the decline of Western confidence, the institutions and habits that made the West successful, and the possibility that societies can lose the cultural foundations that sustain them.

There is much to respect in this argument. Christianity did profoundly shape the moral and intellectual architecture of Western civilisation. To deny that is to indulge in a curious form of historical amnesia. But there is a distinction worth preserving between Christianity as an inheritance and Christianity as a political identity.

The West is Christian in its historical formation, but it is not only Christian. It is also Greek and Roman, Jewish and Islamic in important respects, Renaissance and Reformation, Enlightenment and scientific, liberal and socialist. Its civilisation emerged through argument as much as inheritance. Indeed, one of the defining characteristics of the West may be its capacity to argue with itself.

The danger begins when recognition of the Christian inheritance becomes a claim to Christian superiority, and when civilisational confidence becomes civilisational self-certainty.

For there is an awkward historical fact that every honest account of Western civilisation has to accommodate: the civilisation that produced the Sermon on the Mount also produced religious persecution, slavery, colonialism, racial theories, imperial conquest and industrialised warfare. It proclaimed universal human dignity while repeatedly deciding that some humans were more equal than others.

The West has produced some extraordinary moral ideals. It has also repeatedly failed to live up to them. That is not an argument against the ideals. Quite the reverse. It is an argument for taking them seriously.

JD Vance, Marco Rubio and the recovery of a sacred inheritance

The contemporary American conservative project – propagated by the current Us administration- therefore has an interesting intellectual spectrum.

At one end is the civilisational argument: the West has forgotten its inheritance and must recover confidence in the ideas and institutions that made it what it is. Christianity is not necessarily proposed as a state religion but as the moral and cultural foundation of Western civilisation.

The Catholic dimension is particularly interesting. The conversion of vice-president JD Vance, for example, has given his political thought an intellectual vocabulary that differs from the older Reaganite fusion of individual liberty, free markets and traditional morality. Catholic social thought permits a critique of atomised individualism and places greater emphasis upon family, community, solidarity, responsibility and the common good.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s formulation is similarly civilisational. His argument for Western renewal encompasses reindustrialisation, secure borders, a more restrained conception of the international order and, most importantly, recognition of what he describes as the Christian “sacred inheritance”.

This is not necessarily the same thing as theocracy. It is an argument that a civilisation requires more than institutions and material prosperity. It needs a moral vocabulary, a sense of purpose and some conception of the good.

That proposition is not absurd. Indeed, the secular West has been wrestling with precisely this problem for decades: What happens when a society loses the stories that once gave meaning to sacrifice, obligation, family, citizenship and responsibility?

But then comes the other end of the spectrum: muscular Christianity.

Come the Crusader

Here the intellectual argument becomes physical.

The language is martial. The imagery is martial. The body itself becomes part of the message: warrior tattoos, biblical inscriptions, fighter jets, missiles, military ceremony, prayer and the rhetoric of providence.

The Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth’s invocation of the Psalm, “Blessed be the Lord, my rock, who trains my hands for war and my fingers for battle”, is emblematic. Christianity is no longer merely being invoked as the moral inheritance of a civilisation. It is being placed beside the instruments of American military power.

There is a long tradition of Christian soldiers, Christian chaplains and religiously motivated warriors. Christianity has never been pacifist in any simple historical sense. The just-war tradition emerged precisely because Christians had to confront the moral problem of political violence.

But just-war thinking is an attempt to restrain power. It is not a licence to sanctify it. The distinction is crucial.

A soldier may quite properly pray before battle. A soldier may believe that God gives him courage. But when the institutions of the state begin to present military action in explicitly sacred terms, a different question arises: is God being invoked as a source of personal conscience, or as a source of political legitimacy?

The difference between “I believe this war is just” and “God has sanctioned this war” is enormous. The first is political conviction. The second approaches theological authority.

And once the military becomes wrapped in sacred language, the danger is that the moral uncertainty inherent in war disappears. The enemy is no longer merely an adversary whose motives and humanity must be understood. He becomes an obstacle in a providential drama.

That is where the crusader metaphor becomes more than colourful rhetoric. The crusader did not merely fight. He fought under a sacred sign.

Television evangelists and the politics of spectacle

There is another strand of American religious culture that belongs in this story: the television evangelist.

The old televangelists perfected a distinctive synthesis of faith and spectacle. Religion became mass entertainment, personal testimony became political mobilisation, the preacher became a celebrity and the audience became a constituency. The language was often intensely personal: belief, victory, persecution, redemption, prosperity, enemies and deliverance.

It is difficult not to see an echo of that culture in contemporary American politics.

President Donald Trump is not, in any conventional sense, an ideological theologian. He is transactional, improvisational and instinctively theatrical – and narcissistic, vindictive and profane to boot. His politics are based less upon a coherent doctrine than upon loyalty, grievance, performance, personal authority and the promise of restoration.

Yet he has proved extraordinarily compatible with the religious imagination of parts of the American Right. The convergence is almost anthropological. The televangelist says: You have been betrayed. The world is against you. I understand your grievance. Follow me and we can restore what has been lost. The populist politician says much the same thing, replacing salvation with national restoration.

There is consequently an uneasy resemblance between the culture of the television evangelist and the politics of Trumpism: personality, spectacle, grievance, loyalty, money, performance and the promise of redemption.

The difference, of course, is that the televangelist claims to speak for God while the politician claims to speak for the people. When those two claims begin to reinforce one another, however, politics acquires some of the characteristics of religion. It acquires saints and sinners, martyrs and enemies, rituals and sacred gatherings, heretics and converts, betrayal and redemption.

That phenomenon was visible in the extraordinary response to the murder and memorialisation of the charismatic, popular and divisive conservative activist Charlie Kirk. The point is not whether the grief manifested across the rightwing media-verse was sincere – it plainly was – nor whether the religious language was genuine. It was both. The more interesting observation is that the death of a political activist can be absorbed into a larger narrative of sacrifice, persecution, martyrdom and national renewal.

This is where political movements can begin to acquire a religious emotional architecture.

And it is worth being careful here. Political martyrdom is not uniquely Christian. Communists, fascists, nationalists, revolutionaries and liberation movements have all created martyrs. But Christianity supplies an especially powerful vocabulary of sacrifice, blood, witness, redemption and resurrection. The political temptation is obvious.

The American paradox

And yet all of this muscular Christianity, civilisational renewal and providential rhetoric is unfolding against a remarkable backdrop: America itself is deeply divided about what America is.

It is one of the most diverse societies on earth. It contains multiple religious traditions and enormous numbers of people who are secular or non-religious. Its politics have become intensely polarised. Its cultural conflicts are increasingly existential in tone.

Christian nationalism therefore confronts a paradox of its own making. It seeks to define a pluralistic country through one of its historical traditions. It can say, with considerable historical justification, that Christianity helped shape America. But it cannot simply turn that historical fact into a constitutional proposition that America belongs to Christians.

The American founding contains a deliberate tension here. Religion was important to the cultural environment in which the Republic developed, but the Constitution did not establish a Christian state. The genius – and perhaps the fragility – of the American experiment was that a profoundly religious society attempted to construct a political order in which different religions, and ultimately non-belief, could coexist.

The city upon the hill was never a single-denomination clubhouse.

That makes the contemporary rhetoric of Christian nationalism both understandable and problematic. It is partly a response to a genuine sense of cultural dislocation: secularisation, demographic change, immigration, declining institutional trust, economic insecurity, the collapse of older forms of community and the sense among many people that the country they knew has disappeared.

Grievances require ideology before they become political mobilisation. Christian nationalism can provide that ideology. It offers an explanation of what has gone wrong and a story about how it might be repaired. But the story can become dangerous when “America” and “Christianity” are treated as interchangeable terms. For then criticism of America can begin to sound like criticism of Christianity, and criticism of Christianity can be interpreted as hostility to America.

That is not a recipe for pluralism.

The constitutional counterweight

There is an important American corrective to all this biblical geography and civilisational rhetoric: the Constitution. America may have imagined itself as a chosen people building a city upon a hill, but the republic’s founders did not establish a Christian state. The First Amendment famously prohibited Congress from establishing a religion while protecting the free exercise of religion. That distinction was fundamental. Religion was not to be banished from public life; neither was the state to acquire a church.

This is one of the great American paradoxes. The country was profoundly shaped by Christianity, yet its constitutional architecture deliberately separated religious authority from governmental authority. The separation of church and state was not an act of hostility towards religion. It was, among other things, a recognition that a society of competing faiths could not remain free if the state became the arbiter of religious truth.

The distinction matters today because it separates two propositions that are increasingly liable to be conflated. The first is historical: Christianity profoundly influenced the formation of American institutions, habits and moral assumptions. The second is political: therefore, the American state should embody Christianity. The first is plainly defensible; the second is precisely the proposition against which the constitutional settlement was designed to provide some protection.

There is an irony here that reaches beyond America. The Christian tradition itself contains a long and complicated argument about the proper relationship between spiritual and temporal power. “Render unto Caesar” is not a complete constitutional theory, but it establishes a distinction that has proved remarkably fertile. Christianity may speak to the conscience of the citizen without becoming the official ideology of the state.

And perhaps this is where the larger philosophical movement: the extraordinary evolution of Western thought from an admiration for the mighty to an ethic increasingly concerned with the meek. The ancient world admired strength, glory, conquest and heroic virtue. Achilles is the archetype, particularly for the likes of Hegseth (absent, of course, the arguably homoerotic Patroclus undertone): muscled and magnificent, wrathful, proud and formidable. Christianity did something extraordinarily disruptive to that moral hierarchy. The mighty are sidelined,  placing the weak, the poor, the humble and the suffering much closer to the centre of moral concern.

The Sermon on the Mount turned the conventional hierarchy upside down. Blessed are not necessarily the conquerors, the powerful and the triumphant, but the meek, the merciful and the peacemakers. Over centuries that moral inversion seeped, unevenly and imperfectly, into Western law, politics and social thought. It eventually became possible to imagine that the legitimacy of power should be measured not simply by what the powerful can accomplish, but by how they treat those without power.

That is a remarkable development in the history of political civilisation. And it provides an interesting test for contemporary muscular Christianity. The question is not whether Christianity can coexist with strength. Of course it can; Christianity has done so for two millennia. The more searching question is whether the Christian inheritance is being invoked to restrain power or to sanctify it.

That distinction brings us back to the Constitution. The American founders did not solve the problem of religion and power, but they constructed a political system in which neither church nor state was supposed to possess the whole truth. The republic was to remain secular in its institutions precisely so that its citizens could remain religious — or not religious — in their consciences.

The city upon the hill, in other words, was never meant to be a theocracy. It was an experiment in self-government.

And perhaps that is one of the more enduring contributions of the American experiment to the Western story: not the claim that America had discovered the New Jerusalem, but the much more modest proposition that people of different faiths could attempt to build a political community without first agreeing upon God.

What the rest of the world sees

There is also an international dimension that American civilisational rhetoric can easily overlook.

The United States remains the world’s pre-eminent military power, one of its largest economies and the centre of an extraordinary network of alliances and institutions. Its technology, universities, culture, financial system and military reach remain formidable.

But power and credibility are not the same thing. A hegemon can compel without inspiring.

And American power depends upon something more intangible than aircraft carriers and dollars: other countries must believe that American commitments mean something, that alliances are durable, that Washington understands the difference between interest and principle, and that its rhetoric about democracy, freedom and the rules-based order has some relationship to its conduct. That is where the present moment becomes particularly awkward.

When the world’s most powerful democracy speaks in the language of Christian civilisation while its president behaves, to a sceptical foreign observer, like a transactional television personality – opportunistic, self-promoting, bullying and apparently indifferent to ideological consistency – the result can be a peculiar dissonance.

The United States says values. The world watches behaviour. America says leadership. Others see transaction. America invokes faith. Others wonder whether they should still have faith in America.

That word “faith” is not accidental. International relations has its own definition. Alliances depend upon confidence. Treaties depend upon credibility. Soft power depends upon the willingness of others to believe that the power being exercised is legitimate, or at least predictable. But once confidence begins to disappear, it is remarkably difficult to restore.

And this is where the Christian rhetoric can become counterproductive. If America presents itself not simply as a powerful state but as the guardian of Western civilisation and Christian values, it raises the moral expectations by which its conduct will be judged. If it invokes God, the world can ask whether its conduct reflects the qualities attributed to God. If it invokes civilisation, the world can ask whether its conduct is civilised. If it invokes the rules-based order, the world can ask whether the rules apply to Washington as well as to everybody else.

The higher the rhetoric, the greater the distance when behaviour falls short.

An American pontiff  in Washington’s shadow

The election of an American pope adds an extraordinary complication.

Pope Leo XIV is, by definition, an American product of the culture, but he does not belong to America in the political sense. The Catholic Church is universal, and the papacy represents an authority that transcends national interest.

His evident reservations about aspects of the Trump administration, particularly its treatment of migrants and its harder-edged nationalism, are therefore significant. The Pope cannot simply be absorbed into the American civilisational project because Catholicism itself contains a competing conception of universality.

That is perhaps one reason the current “Catholic moment” is so interesting. American Catholicism is simultaneously being courted by the nationalist Right and reminded by its own universal tradition that Christianity is larger than the nation. The Pope’s position effectively asks a question that Christian nationalism finds difficult to answer: where does Christian allegiance end and national allegiance begin?

The answer cannot simply be “wherever America says it does” because the Christian faith, at least in its Catholic conception, does not stop at the border. Nor does the stranger cease to be a human being when he crosses it.

The return to faith  – and a Mahatma moment

In the intellectual world, therefore, something genuinely important is happening beneath the politics.

A number of intellectually serious people are rediscovering Christianity because they have come to understand that the supposedly secular values of the modern West are not as self-explanatory as they once assumed. They are asking where ideas of human dignity, equality, compassion, sacrifice and moral obligation came from, and whether a civilisation can sustain them once it forgets their genealogy. This is a worthwhile conversation, but there is a danger in turning it into a story of Western vindication.

The West has an extraordinary inheritance. It also has an extraordinary record of failing to live up to it.

This is where an  apocryphal quip by Mahatma Gandhi becomes unexpectedly useful. Asked what he thought of Western civilisation, Gandhi is supposed to have replied: “I think it would be a good idea.” He almost certainly did not say it. But the joke survives because it captures something profound.

The West has produced ideals of extraordinary moral power. It has also spent much of its history demonstrating how difficult those ideals are to practise. The point is not to discard the inheritance. Quite the opposite. It is to take it seriously enough to judge ourselves by it.

Perhaps the proper response to the rediscovery of Western civilisation is therefore neither triumphalism nor self-loathing, but gratitude without complacency – acknowledging the Christian foundations of much Western moral thought without pretending that Christianity has a monopoly on virtue. We can recognise the achievements of the West without denying the violence that accompanied them. We can defend liberal democracy without pretending that every Western action has been liberal or democratic.

And perhaps the deepest lesson of the Christian inheritance is that being “chosen” is not a certificate of moral superiority. The biblical prophets spent an extraordinary amount of time telling their own people that God’s favour did not exempt them from judgement.

Indeed, the Bible that gave America its language of Exodus, Promised Land and Manifest Destiny also gave it the prophets. And the prophets were not particularly polite to powerful people who believed themselves righteous. They asked who was being excluded, who was being oppressed, how the stranger was being treated, what happened to the poor, the widow and the orphan, and what became of justice when power convinced itself that it was acting in the name of God.

That is why the phrase “What would Jesus do?” has more bite than its sometimes saccharine popular usage suggests. It is not merely a question about personal kindness. Applied seriously to statecraft, war and national power, it becomes an interrogation of the entire project.

What would Jesus make of the stranger at the border? What would he make of the poor? What would he make of vengeance? What would he make of the worship of strength? What would he make of the powerful congratulating themselves on their righteousness? What would he make of the Sermon on the Mount?

And, most awkwardly for the muscular Christian, what would he make of: “Blessed are the peacemakers”?

The great American story may therefore not be that America is the New Jerusalem. It is that America has repeatedly imagined itself becoming one. The city upon the hill was an aspiration before it became a boast. The New Jerusalem is an eschatological promise, not a national certificate. Civilisation is something to be practised, not possessed.

Which brings us back to that wonderfully mischievous Gandhi line. “Western civilisation?” “It would be a good idea.”

Perhaps that is the most useful way of understanding the contemporary return to faith. Christianity may indeed be one of the great sources of the moral vocabulary by which the West understands itself. But the test of a civilisation is not the grandeur of its inheritance. It is what it does with it.

The Bible gave America a map, a mythology and a moral vocabulary. The gun helped conquer the continent. The Constitution tried to establish the rules by which its people might live together. The pulpit supplied the language of providence. The television evangelist transformed faith into spectacle. The politician discovered the mobilising power of grievance, identity and redemption. The soldier discovered that Scripture could be placed beside the missile.

And now the most powerful country on earth is once again asking the world to believe in its exceptional mission. The world, understandably, is watching what it does.

Perhaps that is the ultimate irony of the city upon the hill. The higher the hill, the more visible the conduct of those who live upon it. And if America wants to invoke the Bible as its civilisational inheritance, it inherits not only the stories of Exodus and conquest, but the uncomfortable questions of the prophets.

Or, to put it in the irreverent vernacular of an old, sceptical observer:

What would Jesus do?

Paul Hemphill and In That Howling Infinite, August 2026

This essay was written in conversation with books I’ve read, ideas formed and half-formed, and, more recently, in sustained dialogue with an AI language model, which contributed to drafting, phrasing, and conceptual articulation. What appears here is not unmediated thought, but considered thought: selected, tested, revised and revised again, and owned.

See also in In That Howling Infinite, A Political World – Thoughts and Themes, The Wrath to Come. Gone With the Wind and America’s Big Lie and My country, ‘tis of Thee – on matters American

My country, ’tis of thee – on matters American